scholarly journals Znaczenie traktatu lizbońskiego dla rozwoju współpracy między Unią Europejską a jej państwami sąsiedzkimi

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 373-383
Author(s):  
Olesia Tkachuk

The Importance of the Treaty of Lisbon for the Development of Cooperation Between the European Union and Neighbouring CountriesThis article aims to analyse the importance of the Treaty of Lisbon which was signed as of 13th of December 2007 for the development of cooperation between the European Union and neighbouring countries within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy in legal and institutional terms.The first part of the article represents the provisions of analysed the Reform Treaty, which regulates the Union’s cooperation with third countries and international organisations, in particular art. 8 TEU. The following part of the article presents institutional changes insertion by the Treaty of Lisbon, among others, establishing a position of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and appointment of European External Action Service. The summary of the above considerations is located at the end of the article.

2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-554
Author(s):  
Nigar T. Sultanova

Treaty of Lisbon has contributed significantly to the development of the European Union (EU) institutions. It has abolished the EU pillars system and has made crucial changes to the implementation of external policies of the Union. This article tracks the evolution of the post of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, starting from its introduction by the Amsterdam Treaty, until the reforms introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, and also analyses the challenges it is facing, on its path to implement its mandate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  

The European Union Satellite Centre (SatCen) was founded in 1992 under the framework of the Western European Union. Today it is a Council agency of the European Union. It supports decision-making and actions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). It thus provides the European External Action Service, as well as European Union crisis management missions and operations, products and services based on the exploitation of relevant space assets and collateral data, including satellite and aerial imagery, and related services. The Centre, under the operational direction of the High Representative for the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Mrs Frederica Mogherini, is located in Torrejón de Ardoz, Spain. It has approximately 130 members of staff and a global budget of EUR 26 million.


2021 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Tomasz Dubowski

In the discussion on the EU migration policy, it is impossible to evade the issue of the relation between this policy and the EU foreign policy, including EU common foreign and security policy. The subject of this study are selected links between migration issues and the CFSP of the European Union. The presented considerations aim to determine at what levels and in what ways the EU’s migration policy is taken into account in the space of the CFSP as a diplomatic and political (and subject to specific rules and procedures) substrate of the EU’s external action.


Author(s):  
Panos Koutrakos

A main feature of the European Union’s constitutional arrangements, as laid down in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), is the organization of the rules governing external policies around the theme of integration. This is illustrated in different ways. First, the external policies of the Union are all part of what the Treaties describe as the Union’s ‘external action’. Terms such as ‘external policies’ or ‘actions’ are avoided. Instead, the choice of the reference to ‘external action’ signifies the design of the EU’s foreign affairs as a coherent whole.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-129
Author(s):  
Kerry Brown

In the last decade, while undergoing its own reform through the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 which created a designated foreign affairs body across the 28 member states, the European External Action Service (EEAS), the European Commission has also produced two major communications on relations with the People’s Republic of China. The first, in 2006, was issued at a time when the European Union (EU) was just recovering from its failure to lift the arms embargo on China, and was being criticised by Beijing because it had not accorded market economy status to a country that had become its largest trading partner. The second came out in 2016, at a time when the relationship had settled into a more pragmatic mould, though the continuing refusal to grant market economy status still rankled with the Chinese partners. At time of publication of this article, the journal operated under the old name. When quoting please refer to the citation on the left using British Journal of Chinese Studies. The pdf of the article still reflects the old journal name; issue number and page range are consistent.   


Author(s):  
Thomas Ramopoulos

Article 25 TEU Without prejudice to Article 240 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, a Political and Security Committee shall monitor the international situation in the areas covered by the common foreign and security policy and contribute to the definition of policies by delivering opinions to the Council at the request of the Council or of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy or on its own initiative. It shall also monitor the implementation of agreed policies, without prejudice to the powers of the High Representative.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Danilov ◽  

The article deals with the problems of political and diplomatic relations between Russia and the European Union. The key event was the meeting of Josep Borrel as the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Moscow in February 2021. The Russian side considered it as an opportunity to outline the prospect of resuming the political dialogue interrupted by the European Union in 2014, notably in the context of the reviewing a strategy on Russia initiated by the EU. The author analyzes the differences in the approaches of European countries and institutions in the context of the ongoing aggravation of Russia – EU relations. The main result of the meeting was not its «ineffectiveness», but, on the contrary, its obvious counterproductive effect. The EU has even more consolidated its policy of deterring Russia and increasing sanctions pressure, which actually closes the prospect for systemic dialogue. In this context, the political and diplomatic conflict in connection with the mass expulsion of Russian diplomats by the Czech Republic (the «Czech case») and the narrowing of opportunities to compensate for the EU-Russia dialogue shortcomings by bilateral tracks are also considered. In conclusion, some finding are presented regarding the perspective Russian reaction.


2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-417
Author(s):  
Zaklina Novicic

The article deals with institutional innovations introduced with Lisbon Treaty in the EU common foreign and security policy. The pillar structure of EU was abolished, but main features of intergovernmental decision-making procedures and unanimity would de facto remain. That is the main structural constrain of a single and bolder European outbreak an international scene. An novelty is the some kind of presidentialization (personalization) of the field in the new posts of President of European Council and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. New procedures and structures are introduced also in a realm of Common Security and Defense Policy. A special hope of Eurocrats are put on the ongoing process of setting up new European External Action Serves as de facto new diplomatic service of the Union. However, there is the main paradox of the Lisbon arrangement in that it is supposed to confirm integration through foreign policy success at a same time when Europe is divided over a number of domestic as well as foreign policy issues, and all that at a time of the manifold global financial and economic crises.


2014 ◽  
pp. 102-124
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Smutek

In this article the opinions about Catherine Ashton as the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy expressed in Polish and foreign media as well as some editorialised statements by politicians will be presented. The analysis will cover the opinions on Ashton as a person and her actions as the High Representative, as well as the perception of the European Union as a whole through the prism of her work. The High Representative’s contacts with media and her efforts at creating her image will also be presented.


Author(s):  
Ana E. Juncos ◽  
Karolina Pomorska

The European External Action Service, with its 140 delegations all over the world and its headquarters in Brussels is a unique institution, which has been likened to a state diplomatic service or EU ministry of foreign affairs. The composition of the EEAS and its functions have been the result of complex negotiations between the member states of the European Union and EU institutions. The ability of the EEAS to have an influence in the European Union’s foreign policy process and outcome is still a subject of controversy, not least because it co-exists with 28 national diplomatic services. The impact of the establishment of the EEAS on the emergence of a esprit de corps among its ranks and whether it has led to the transformation of European diplomacy as a result constitutes other key questions in existing scholarly debates.


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