scholarly journals Problem kondycji Polaków i Polski w myśli Romana Dmowskiego

Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3(60)) ◽  
pp. 323-347
Author(s):  
Bogumił Grott ◽  
Olgierd Grott

Problem of the Condition of Poles and Poland in the Thought of Roman Dmowski The authors present opinions of Roman Dmowski – the leader of National Democrats – about character traits of his contemporary Poles and about the level of civilizational advancement of Poland during his lifetime. The authors highlight the development of his opinions, starting from the end of the 19th/beginning of the 20th century, when Dmowski criticised the Poles’ unrealistic political stances and the lack of character traits required to resist the occupants. In the next period the National Democrats entered the process of “merging nationalism with Catholicism into a single ideological entity”, which resulted in a shift in Dmowski’s perception of his compatriots. Dmowski started to notice more of their positive traits. He noted their idealism and religiousness, which were to be lacking among many Western societies. At the same time, discussing the political system, Dmowski criticised certain maladjustment of Polish masses to parliamentary democracy, leaning towards a vision of a system of elitist character. This quickly created the need, in Dmowski’s opinion, to identify “leadership”, which he described as “nation in the moral sense” or “national elite” and to entrust the real power to them.

1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.


2018 ◽  
pp. 359-373
Author(s):  
Dominika Gołaszewska-Rusinowska

This case study focuses on the life and work of Joaquín Costa. He was a Spanish intellectual who in late 19th century and early 20th century started the intellectual and political movement called Regenerationism. This movement emerged in response against the political system of Spanish Restoration.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197
Author(s):  
Kadyrbek Umetov ◽  

The article reveals the concept of sovereignty as one of the key categories of political and legal science and international law, which has the character of a fundamental norm; various theories that have taken diametrically opposed positions on the issue of determining the legal nature of sovereignty, ranging from its origins to its modern understanding, are considered. The author studied the processes of creating preconditions and historical conditions that ensure the Kyrgyz Republic's active participation in the sovereignization of the former Soviet republics. He defined the specific directions, course and degree of transformation of the Political System of Kyrgyzstan on the basis of declarations of sovereignty and independence, as well as the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic. Sovereignty is a property inherent in each subject in itself, and cannot be derived from the sovereignty of another entity, in which it sees the embodiment of the real sovereignty of the State.


1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Fierro Bardaji

THIS STUDY HAS BEEN WRITTEN DURING THE STAGE OF BROAD political transition inside the Spanish State, following the death of General Franco, in November 1975. The new monarch, Juan Carlos I, has already carried out some acts that will define Spanish politics in the near future, by confirming the men who governed during Franco's last years: but what attitude the political system will take under the monarchy is still unforeseeable; and, although everyone is waiting for a certain liberalization of the regime, the real scope that liberalization will have in the short and medium term remains problematical.


2003 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael King ◽  
Chris Thornhill

This article is a critical response to John Minger's recently published piece ‘Can social systems be autopoietic?’. It draws attention to instances in this piece where Mingers has misconstrued Luhmann's theory – especially in the central concepts of openness and closure, system-environment relation, interaction, and functionality, but also in the interpretation of the role which Luhmann ascribes to the political system – and it attempts to give a more accurate analysis of these terms, and of their place in Luhmann's overall sociology. The article also asserts, more generally, that to criticize Luhmann from the perspective of action-centred theory, as Mingers has done, fails to reflect on and integrate Luhmann's direct challenge to perspectives of this kind. The article concludes with the argument that legitimate criticism of Luhmann should set out a more immanent account of his sociology, and should not simply have recourse to the more traditional sociological perspectives, which Luhmann has already effectively called into question.


Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Kazimierz M. Ujazdowski

EFFECTIVE PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY BY MICHEL DEBRÉIn the 1930s, France epitomized a weakness of parliamentary democracy. Third Republic, that was recognized by many European countries as a model political system, was actually hit by a grave crisis combined with an increase of popularity of authoritarian trends. Undoubtedly, ineffectiveness of the French model of parliamentary democracy contributed to the fall of republican France in 1940. An in-depth and interesting analysis, which may also be recognized as an attempt made to overcome the weaknesses of parliamentary democracy, was put forward by Michel Debré in his writings published in the WWII years. One of the reasons why his draft of a rationalized parlia­mentary system deserves special attention is that this document inspired establishment of the Fifth Republic. Debré offered an exceptional lesson of critical thinking about the political system. This outstanding lawyer was able to correctly identify and effectively eliminate the vices of parliament­ary governments.


Author(s):  
Grote Rainer

This chapter examines the development of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Malaysia, which arrived in all three countries as an import from the West, i.e. the UK. Their experience suggests that there have been few conceptual difficulties in introducing parliamentary democracy in these societies. The real challenge to the functioning of parliamentary democracy in these as in other, non-Islamic societies is not represented by religion, but by the persistence of undemocratic practices, particularly among the political elites, which prevents the mechanisms of electoral democracy from becoming a faithful expression of the political and social grievances and aspirations of the population at large.


Al-Mizan ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-184
Author(s):  
Indah Abbas

This article discusses the history of the development of Islamic law in the legal political system in Indonesia. The problem discussed in this article is how the history of the phases of Islamic law in Indonesia and how the formation of Islamic law in the development of the political system in Indonesia. The results showed that: First, the history of the development of Islamic law in Indonesia, namely from the pre-colonial period of the Netherlands, the Dutch colonial period, the period of Japanese occupation, the period of parliamentary democracy, the old and new order periods, and the reform period; Second, the position of Islamic law in the development of national law in Indonesia plays an important role in the orderliness of the Indonesian people, especially Muslims and is used as material in the preparation of national law


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