‘Will the Real Niklas Luhmann Stand up, Please’. A Reply to John Mingers

2003 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael King ◽  
Chris Thornhill

This article is a critical response to John Minger's recently published piece ‘Can social systems be autopoietic?’. It draws attention to instances in this piece where Mingers has misconstrued Luhmann's theory – especially in the central concepts of openness and closure, system-environment relation, interaction, and functionality, but also in the interpretation of the role which Luhmann ascribes to the political system – and it attempts to give a more accurate analysis of these terms, and of their place in Luhmann's overall sociology. The article also asserts, more generally, that to criticize Luhmann from the perspective of action-centred theory, as Mingers has done, fails to reflect on and integrate Luhmann's direct challenge to perspectives of this kind. The article concludes with the argument that legitimate criticism of Luhmann should set out a more immanent account of his sociology, and should not simply have recourse to the more traditional sociological perspectives, which Luhmann has already effectively called into question.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197
Author(s):  
Kadyrbek Umetov ◽  

The article reveals the concept of sovereignty as one of the key categories of political and legal science and international law, which has the character of a fundamental norm; various theories that have taken diametrically opposed positions on the issue of determining the legal nature of sovereignty, ranging from its origins to its modern understanding, are considered. The author studied the processes of creating preconditions and historical conditions that ensure the Kyrgyz Republic's active participation in the sovereignization of the former Soviet republics. He defined the specific directions, course and degree of transformation of the Political System of Kyrgyzstan on the basis of declarations of sovereignty and independence, as well as the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic. Sovereignty is a property inherent in each subject in itself, and cannot be derived from the sovereignty of another entity, in which it sees the embodiment of the real sovereignty of the State.


1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Fierro Bardaji

THIS STUDY HAS BEEN WRITTEN DURING THE STAGE OF BROAD political transition inside the Spanish State, following the death of General Franco, in November 1975. The new monarch, Juan Carlos I, has already carried out some acts that will define Spanish politics in the near future, by confirming the men who governed during Franco's last years: but what attitude the political system will take under the monarchy is still unforeseeable; and, although everyone is waiting for a certain liberalization of the regime, the real scope that liberalization will have in the short and medium term remains problematical.


Author(s):  
Tarsila Rorato Crusius ◽  
Mártin Perius Haeberlin

El estudio busca comprender cómo la judicialización puede comprometer la integridad del sistema de la salud, desde la perspectiva de la Teoría General de los Sistemas Sociales de Niklas Luhmann. Para esto, primero busca saber cómo las decisiones judiciales actúan como irritaciones para el sistema de la salud. Despues, analiza el impacto de estas decisiones en el sistema, basándose en datos de la judicialización en Rio Grande do Sul, en 2018. Finalmente, analiza los riesgos para la integridad del sistema de salud representado por la judicialización, así como las respuestas del sistema político brasileño. Se presume que las respuestas del sistema de la salud a las amenazas planteadas por la judicialización dependen de las respuestas de otros sistemas sociales. La metodología es exploratoria, con investigación bibliográfica. Se concluye que la capacidad de respuesta de los sistemas sociales a estas irritaciones definirá la posibilidad de mantener su integridad y diferenciación.   O estudo busca compreender como a judicialização pode comprometer a integridade do sistema da saúde na perspectiva da Teoria Geral dos Sistemas Sociais de Niklas Luhmann. Para isso, primeiramente busca conhecer como decisões judiciais atuam como irritações ao sistema da saúde. Em um segundo momento, analisa o impacto destas decisões no sistema, a partir dos dados da judicialização em saúde no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, em 2018. Por fim analisa os riscos à integridade do sistema da saúde representados pela judicialização, bem como as respostas estruturadas pelo sistema político brasileiro. Parte-se da hipótese de que as respostas do sistema da saúde às ameaças representadas pela judicialização da saúde dependem das respostas de outros sistemas sociais. A metodologia é de caráter exploratório, com realização de pesquisa bibliográfica. Conclui-se que a capacidade de resposta dos sistemas sociais a estas irritações definirá a possibilidade de manutenção de sua integridade e diferenciação.   This study seeks to understand how judicialization may compromise the integrity of the health system from Niklas Luhmann’s General Theory of Social Systems perspective. For this, it first seeks to know how judicial decisions act as irritations to the health system. Secondly, it analyzes the impact of these decisions on the system, based on data from health judicialization in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, in 2018. Finally, it analyzes the risks to the integrity of the health system represented by judicialization, as well as the responses structured by the Brazilian political system. It is hypothesized that health system responses to threats posed by judicialization depend on responses from other social systems. The methodology is exploratory, with bibliographical research. It is concluded that the responsiveness of social systems to these irritations will define the possibility of maintaining their integrity and differentiation.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3(60)) ◽  
pp. 323-347
Author(s):  
Bogumił Grott ◽  
Olgierd Grott

Problem of the Condition of Poles and Poland in the Thought of Roman Dmowski The authors present opinions of Roman Dmowski – the leader of National Democrats – about character traits of his contemporary Poles and about the level of civilizational advancement of Poland during his lifetime. The authors highlight the development of his opinions, starting from the end of the 19th/beginning of the 20th century, when Dmowski criticised the Poles’ unrealistic political stances and the lack of character traits required to resist the occupants. In the next period the National Democrats entered the process of “merging nationalism with Catholicism into a single ideological entity”, which resulted in a shift in Dmowski’s perception of his compatriots. Dmowski started to notice more of their positive traits. He noted their idealism and religiousness, which were to be lacking among many Western societies. At the same time, discussing the political system, Dmowski criticised certain maladjustment of Polish masses to parliamentary democracy, leaning towards a vision of a system of elitist character. This quickly created the need, in Dmowski’s opinion, to identify “leadership”, which he described as “nation in the moral sense” or “national elite” and to entrust the real power to them.


2021 ◽  
pp. 243-254
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Constitutional reform was the first task required, in order to relaunch the political process stymied by Goudi. Venizelos with his experience of Cretan constitution making was well equipped to guide the debates, 42 in all, which formulated a new charter. This was grist to his mill. He set out, preserving the fundamental balance between the institutions (Crown and parliament) established in the 1864 constitution, to modernize the political and social systems, enhance justice, fairness and freedoms, and provide more of a role for the state in the economy. The chapter considers in detail the question of land reform, in particular what to do about the large latifundia in Thessaly worked by sharecroppers. Here the solution reached was to provide for expropriation for reasons of public benefit rather than only public necessity, thus opening the way to later land reform. The constitution provided for compulsory free education at the primary level. In sum the new constitution provided a good basis for a renewed political process through a fairer and more modern political system.


Author(s):  
Fernando Antonio Alves

MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS, DIREITO DE RESISTÊNCIA E NORMATIVIDADE: A RESISTÊNCIA CIVIL EM CONFLITO COM A LEI E A ORDEM NOS MOVIMENTOS DE PROTESTO, NO ÂMBITO DO ESTADO CONSTITUCIONAL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, RIGHT OF RESISTANCE, AND NORMATIVITY: CIVIL RESISTANCE IN CONFLICT WITH LAW AND ORDER IN THE DEMONSTRATION MOVEMENTS WITHIN THE CONSTITUTIONAL STATE Fernando Antonio AlvesRESUMO: Este artigo tem a proposta de discutir os efeitos políticos e jurídicos das manifestações populares ocorridas a partir de junho de 2013, no Brasil, protagonizadas por diversos atores, dentre eles, integrantes de movimentos sociais, como o movimento conhecido como Passe Livre. Essas manifestações foram responsáveis por revelar uma gama de grupos e reivindicações, que reacendem o debate sobre a atualidade da luta de classes e a força política da mobilização popular. Junto a isso, entende-se que uma abordagem sobre o fenômeno da resistência civil, em seus aspectos políticos e jurídicos, torna-se bem útil a fim de analisar até que ponto determinadas mobilizações sociais por meio dos meios de comunicação alternativos podem revelar uma pluralidade normativa diversa do monismo normativo encontrado no Direito oficial estatal, mormente com o emprego da teoria dos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos e a concepção de Constituição enquanto acoplamento entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico, além de vislumbrar o surgimento de redes de mobilização e protesto em distintas comunidades. Tal estudo pode revelar até que ponto os fenômenos de revolta social e proposição de discurso revolucionário ainda podem ter eco nas reivindicações sociais de sociedades de modernidade tardia, tais como as reivindicações sociais do exemplo brasileiro.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Movimentos sociais; Direito de Protesto; Resistência Civil; Direitos Fundamentais. ABSTRACT: This paper has proposed to discuss the political and legal effects of popular demonstrations that took place from June 2013 on in Brazil, leaded by several actors, among them members of social movements such as the movement called Free Fare Movement. These demonstrations were responsible for revealing a range of groups and claims that rekindle the debate about the relevance of class struggle and the political power of popular mobilization. Along with this, it is understood that an approach to the phenomenon of civil resistance, in its political and legal aspects, becomes very useful in order to analyze the extent to which certain social mobilizations through alternative media may reveal a normative plurality diverse from the normative monism found in the official state law, especially with the use of the theory of autopoietic social systems and the conception of Constitution as a coupling between the political system and the legal system, in addition to the perception of the emergence of networks of mobilization and demonstration in distinct communities. This study may reveal the extent to which the phenomena of social revolt and enunciation of revolutionary discourse can still be reflected in the social demands of late modernity societies, such as the social demands of the Brazilian example. KEYWORDS: Social Movements; Right to Protest; Right to Demonstrate; Civil Resistance; Fundamental Rights.SUMÁRIO: Introdução. 1. Desobediência civil e direito de resistência no marco do Estado moderno: fundamentos teórico-filosóficos do sistema político moderno, dentro da ordem constitucional estabelecida e a consequente repressão estatal pelo discurso da manutenção da ordem diante de sua iminente violação. 2. A criminalização dos protestos no Brasil por meio da lei 12.850 de 2013: seriam os black blocs os novos inimigos do Estado? 3. Sistema jurídico fundado no Direito oficial e o Direito dos diversos subsistemas sociais, na tensão entre um direito emancipatório e um direito regulatório. 4. Normatividade policontextural na atuação dos movimentos sociais. Considerações finais. Referências.


Author(s):  
Nikita S. Gusev ◽  

The paper examines the functioning of the Bulgarian political system in the first 40 years of its existence (1878–1918) according to the Russian eyewitnesses observations. Involvement of this type of sources as well as Bulgarian memoirs and scientific works allowed us to consider the real implementation of such components of the constitutional state as equality, freedom of speech, political competition, the electoral process and their perception by the Bulgarians themselves. The data used in the research enabled us to conclude that these components of the political system have been adapted to local realities, which largely changed the essence of the aforementioned concepts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 267-278
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key ministries.


Author(s):  
Anna Nikolaevna GARASIMCHUK

The reaction of the liberal circles of England to the formation of the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary in 1867 is considered. The material, on which the study is based, was the Bri- tish newspaper “The Morning Post”, which expressed the interests of the middle class of the bourgeoisie and was the so-called “megaphone” of the Liberal party of Great Britain. Analysis of the newspaper material showed that in the British newspaper the most often raised and considered Austria-Hungary issues are the following: 1) the personality of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the reorganization of the political system of Austria-Hungary on the basis of liberal laws; 3) the adoption of the Constitution of 1867 and the subsequent domestic changes. The study of the journalistic material led to the conclusion that the British liberals met very positively the formation of Austria-Hungary, because in its original form the reforms carried out by the Austrian government were a vivid example of the liberal ideology defended by the liberal community of Great Britain. Nevertheless, the emotionally expressive tone of newspaper articles shows that British liberals, having accepted the changes taking place in Austria-Hungary positively, were not always able to give an objective assessment of what was happening, so the newspaper often does not talk about the real problems of Austrian society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 240-277
Author(s):  
William N. Weaver

Abstract The terror program, considered within the framework of Niklas Luhmann’s systems theory, serves to contradict society in many ways, functioning as a form of saturnalia to expose paradox. Though terror and terrorism have roots in antiquity, modern differentiated systems of communication and society’s oppositional/terrorist organizations have evolved into distinct forms, and terrorist events can trigger information processing in a variety of society’s subsystems, including but not limited to the political system. Charles Manson and his Family, considered alongside the groups Aum Shinrikyo and ISIS, serve to illustrate the ongoing terror program as manifest in modern society. Despite the best efforts of security analysts and related system observations, the evolution of these violent communications is highly unpredictable. Though terrorism that achieves quasi-state (‘successful insurgency’) or full state authority (a ‘terror regime’) may reduce complexity or distinctions among modern political, legal or other subsystems, the same destabilizing operations conducted by terrorist organizations that fail to achieve the authority of states may nonetheless influence the increasing complexity of modern society.


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