scholarly journals To Defeat Him by Quoting Lenin and Facts: Practices of the Political Cult in Discussions of the 1920s

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Rakov
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Middle Strata ◽  
The Village ◽  
And Task

This article analyses practices related to the cult of Lenin in the confines of the Leningrad party organisation of the RCP(b) and its influence on innerparty discussions and political disagreements. The author aims to examine how appeal to the cult and Leninism helped shape the position of the Leningrad Bolsheviks led by G. E. Zinoviev. To achieve this goal, the author refers to a variety of sources, i. e. the works of the leaders of the Leningrad party organisation, such pamphlets by G. I. Safarov and G. E. Evdokimov, minutes of district party conferences, etc. The sources listed above suggest that the terms “testament,” “heritage,” and “task” used in party discourse symbolise a set of actions and principles, following and being faithful to which allowed party members to comply with the correct political line. For representatives of the Leningrad opposition, this meant relying on the poor and middle strata of the village. The category of practice mentioned in the title of this article means that attention was paid not so much to the function of quotations or clichéd phrases but rather to what party groups implied when quoting Lenin’s statements. The term “cult”, which historiography usually employs to describe the veneration of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the party, does not reflect the entirety of this process or take into account its productive component, namely, the fact that, because of its heterogeneity, Leninism allowed members of the Communist Party to pay attention to diverse aspects of Lenin’s heritage. In the course of the polemic surrounding issues facing the party (politics in the countryside, the possibility of building socialism in a single country, etc.), the Leningrad Bolsheviks turned to Leninism as a range of ideas legitimising their political position and as a tool for identifying the Bolsheviks who, in contrast to the Leningraders, “deviated” from the correct political line.

The Political Economy of Land Reform in China's “Newly Liberated Areas”: Evidence from Wuxi County

2008 ◽  
Vol 195 ◽  
pp. 675-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Kai-Sing Kung
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Inequality ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Farm Survey ◽  
Class Status ◽  
The Rich

AbstractA farm survey conducted in Wuxi county in the 1950s found that the Chinese Communist Party had successfully “preserved the rich peasant economy” in the “newly liberated areas”: the landlords were indeed the only social class whose properties had been redistributed, yet without compromising on the magnitude of benefits received by the poor peasants. A higher land inequality in that region, coupled with an inter-village transfer of land, allowed these dual goals to be achieved. Our study further reveals that class status was determined both by the amount of land a household owned and whether it had committed certain “exploitative acts,” which explains why some landlords did not own a vast amount of land. Conversely, it was the amount of land owned, not class status, that determined redistributive entitlements, which was why 15 per cent of the poor peasants and half of the middle peasants were not redistributed any land.

Party Recruitment in Siberia

1983 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-282
Author(s):  
Bohdan Harasymiw
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Rural Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
Independent Factor ◽  
The Urals ◽  
Political Recruitment ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Key Industries

Siberia, apparently, is an inhospitable region as far as Communist Party members are concerned. According to T. H. Rigby, both in 1939 and in 1961, a significantly smaller proportion of the CPSU membership was to be found in the Urals and Western and Eastern Siberian regions of the RSFSR than of the general Soviet population. This is surprising, he points out, in view of the area's “relatively small rural population” and its key industries being mining and metallurgy. Beyond the suggestion “that the general comfort and pleasantness of an area is an independent factor in its party membership levels,” one is immediately intrigued by the implications this may have for the political recruitment opportunities of ethnic minorities in these regions. Does it mean that native, non-European minorities have better chances to become party members because Europeans are reluctant to move there? Or, conversely, does it mean that Europeans, because of their higher levels of education, tend therefore to displace the non-Europeans? Is there evidence of any sort of “affirmative action” on behalf of ethnic minorities in Siberia insofar as recruitment into the party, and concurrently access to the better jobs, is concerned?

Partisanship and Political Obligation

Politics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matteo Bonotti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Obligations ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

Political parties have generally been disregarded in the literature on political obligation. In this article I argue that, regardless of whether ordinary citizens or residents of a polity have any political obligations, partisanship generates its own kind of political obligations. Participating in party politics qua party members, supporters, activists or even mere voters produces benefits that generate corresponding and proportionate political obligations for those who enjoy them. The political obligations of partisans are easier to justify than those of ordinary citizens as the conditions under which the benefits of partisanship can be rendered excludable are easier to obtain.

Natalsya, Amrus (1933--)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Katherine Rath
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Cultural Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Life ◽  
Free Standing ◽  
Common People ◽  
Political Reforms ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Wood Sculpture

Amrus Natalsya was born 21 October 1933, in Medan, Sumatra. Having also trained as a painter, Natalsya is known primarily as a pioneering figure of modern wood sculpture in Indonesia. Beginning in the early 1950s, he developed a signature style, combining the carving techniques, sculptural forms, and flat decorative elements of his Batak cultural background with "revolutionary realism", a combination of social and romantic realism. Typical subjects of his work are the community life of common people and the labors of the poor. His early sculptural work shows the influence of one of his instructors and mentors, Hendra Gunawan (1918, Bandung–1983, Bali), with whom he studied while a student at the Indonesia Fine Arts Academy or Akademi Seni Rupa Indonesia (ASRI) in Yogyakarta, 1954–1962. In 1961, Natalsya co-founded Sanggar Bumi Tarung (SBT) or Fighting Grounds studio with fellow ASRI students. Under his leadership, SBT’s artistic program was, in certain respects, more radical than that of its sponsoring organization, the People’s Culture Institute or Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Lekra), the cultural branch of Indonesia’s Communist Party. With the political changes of the late 1960s, SBT was banned and Natalsya was imprisoned without trial from 1968 to 1973. After his release, he was refused access to many venues and exhibitions. These circumstances changed considerably after 1998, with the introduction of political reforms in Indonesia. Natalsya continues to work in a social realist mode. In addition to free-standing sculptures, his work since the 1990s has included intricately carved and painted low-relief panels, often set within frames with roughly hewn decorative elements.

Entre désécularisation et resacralisation: Bouddhistes laïcs, temples et organisations philanthropiques en Chine

2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Laliberté
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Social Utility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Party State

The author looks into the revival of Buddhist philanthropy in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the last decade. It seeks to tackle the wider question of the social utility of religion in the eyes of the political authorities and to assess the extent to which recent debates on secularization theory may be relevant to the Chinese situation. The emergence of Buddhist philanthropy is coinciding with considerable changes in political, economic and social conditions, characterized by state disengagement from the provision of social services. The author describes various organizations offering assistance to the poor, as well as certain services related to healthcare and education. Yet this rise in Buddhist philanthropy should not be seen as evidence of a “resacralization” process in China because the communist Party-State continues its policy of manifest secularization.

Unconventional Participation in Party Politics: The Experience of the German Greens

1992 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
German Society ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Organizational Principles

The German Green Party, which is one of the most successful Green parties in Western Europe, has not only been efficient in changing the political agenda of the Federal Republic. It has also challenged the conventional way of organizing party politics by institutionalizing a series of organizational principles that are inspired by the ideals of grass-roots democracy. However, despite the ideological appeal of grass-roots democracy to Green sympathizers, the party has failed to attract sufficiently large numbers of active party members. The Greens are caught in a dilemma, because they appeal to those segments of West German society where ‘non-partisans' are most numerous. This undermines the functioning, and hence the credibility, of Green grass-roots democracy.

The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-Entry Crisis in Northern Sri Lanka

1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Pfaffenberger
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hindu Temple ◽  
Civil Unrest ◽  
High Caste ◽  
Domestic Servants ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Temple ◽  
Very High

In the same year (1968) that students blockaded the streets of Paris, the formerly somnolent Jaffna Peninsula—the center of Tamil culture in Sri Lanka—was rocked by its own version of civil unrest. Led by an activist affiliated with the “Peking wing” of the Ceylon Communist party, several hundred “Minority Tamils” (mainly of the traditionally “untouchable” Paḷḷar and Naḻavar castes) sat in nonviolent protest (satyagrãha) before the gates of Jaffna's most orthodox Hindu temple, the temple of Lord Kandacami (Skanda) in the village called Maviddapuram. Hindus believe this large and beautiful structure represents the very ideal of the reformed Śaivite temple advocated by Arumuka Navalar (1822–79), Jaffna's champion Hindu reformer. Traditionally closed to untouchables, the Brahman-owned temple provided the setting for a two-week campaign to gain admittance that was timed to coincide with the temple's summer festival. After days of tense but peaceful confrontation, the demonstration turned violent as dozens of self-styled “Defenders of Saivism,” Hindus of high-caste rank (Veḷḷāḷars and their domestic servants, the Kōviyars), beat back the Minority Tamils with iron rods and sand-filled bottles. Feelings ran very high throughout the peninsula, and there were many incidents of violence, some lethal. To many Tamils and outside observers, it seemed as though Jaffna was poised on the brink of an all-out war between the castes (see, for example, Fontgalland 1968). Yet the conflict abated, and although there were temple-entry skirmishes in Jaffna as late as 1978, the Maviddapuram fracas was followed by a process of political unification as the Tamil community—Veḷḷāḷars and Minority Tamils alike—joined hands to contest the declining fortunes of Tamils in a country dominated by Sinhalese.

scholarly journals Między Rosją a Czechosłowacją: Ruś łemkowska w polityce międzynarodowej w dobie starań o podmiotowość polityczną, 1918-1921

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 185-223
Author(s):  
Andrzej A. Zięba
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Autonomous Element ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Russian Option ◽  
The Village ◽  
Political Character

Between Russia and Czechoslovakia: Lemko Rus’ Struggle for Political Independence in the Years 1918-1921 and International PoliticsThe events in Lemko Rus had, in the years 1918-1921, a subjective and political character, and were the result of Lemkos’ own initiatives and activities, and not just external influences. They proved to be the national maturation of the Lemko community. However, it cannot be said that the newly created Lemko councils aimed at or constituted their own Lemko state with the headquarters in the village of Florynka. It becomes clear after analysing the chronology of Lemko political postulates in the context of events in the regional and global plane. None of the subsequent stages of the process of specifying their nationality by the Lemkos was connected with the idea of a separate Lemko statehood. Formally speaking, i.e., from the perspective of law and international relations, the Lemko region first wanted to belong to the Russian state, then to Czechoslovakia, always strongly rejecting the notion of being part of the resurgent Poland and the then-created Ukraine. Czechoslovakia was not an alternative to Russia for Lemko politicians, but only a tactical necessity against the momentary, as it was believed, impossibility to implement the original Russian option. It was a case created by a coincidence of ad-hoc circumstances. Be the Lemkos’ own country in the national sense, that is, they met both the political and cultural criteria of belonging there, which were important to their community. The Czechoslovak option somehow forced, or rather made possible the second option – striving to create a local state with a wider formula than just the Lemko region, connecting all Rusyns living in Austria-Hungary, that is also those from Eastern Galicia, Bukovina and Hungary. Such a Carpatho-Ruthenian republic was supposed to be a substitute, necessary for formal reasons, as an autonomous element in the federal structure of the Czechoslovak state, and for political reasons, as a safeguard for the national aspirations of the such a Carpatho-Rusyn and a guarantee of their future unification with democratic Russia. While Russia, both tsarist and liberal, guided by its national doctrine, was willing to unconditionally include all Austro-Hungarian Ruthenians in its borders, including also westernmost Lemkos, Czechoslovak leaders wanted to bite only as much as they could chew economically and politically, i.e. – include only regions rich in cities or natural deposits. The poor and non-urbanized Lemko region was treated only as a convenient item in their subversive game of borders with Poland.

scholarly journals PARTISIPASI POLITIK MASYARAKAT MISKIN KOTA DALAM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN 2014 DI KOTA MAKASSAR

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andi Nur Amaliah ◽  
Muhajirah Hasanuddin ◽  
Alimuddin Said
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Participation Rate ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Purposive Sampling ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village

This research for knowing the political participation of the urban poor and the factors that affect the political participation of the urban poor in the election of President and Vice President in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Subdistrict Tamalate Makassar. The kind of research is descriptive quantitative research by explaining the political participation of the urban poor, the sample of 30 people in the poor communities selected by purposive sampling. The results showed a participation rate of urban poor in the election of president and vice president in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Tamalate District Makassar. The form of political participation of the poor consists of electoral activities, the lobby, the organization's activities, find connections and acts of violence, political participation Reasons divided on the influence of community groups, availability of facilities, and low motivation. Typology of political participation consists of poor and semi apathetic apathy. As well as political communication is divided into function information and education functions. The political participation of the urban poor is also strongly influenced by factors supporting consisting of Consciousness or the will and the influence of the government, as well as inhibiting factors are factors Environmental and Economic factors. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif kuantitatif dengan menggunakan sampelnya sebanyak 30 orang masyarakat miskin yang di pilih secara Purposive Sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan tingkat partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Adapun bentuk partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin terdiri dari kegiatan pemilihan, lobby, kegiatan organisasi, mencari koneksi dan tindakan kekerasan, Alasan partisipasi politik terbagi atas pengaruh kelompok masyarakat, ketersediaan sarana, dan rendahnya motivasi. Tipologi partisipasi politik terdiri dari masyarakat miskin apatis dan semi apatis. Serta komunikasi politik terbagi atas fungsi informasi dan fungsi pendidikan. Partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh faktor pendukung yang terdiri dari Kesadaran atau kemauan dan pengaruh pemerintah, serta faktor penghambat yaitu faktor Lingkungan dan faktor Ekonomi.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 221-232
Author(s):  
Martin O'Donoghue
Keyword(s):  
Party Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
Party Members

The conclusion of this book reflects in particular on the Irish Party legacy and Treatyite politics, but also the presence in all parties of members with home rule roots or the political education and example provided by the pre-revolutionary movement. There is also consideration of how the refusal of many individuals and groupings to adopt the labels of parties with a Sinn Féin derivation affected the dynamics of party politics in this period as well as assessment of the contribution those from Irish Party backgrounds made to debates on the constitutional status of the state. The conclusion affirms that the Irish Party’s role in developing the parliamentary tradition in the country, the proliferation of commemorative events devoted to the Redmond family, the presence of former Irish Party members in politics, and the ways in which they influenced party politics for decades after the IPP’s demise.

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