Britain’s Authoritarian Ascendancy

Author(s):  
Justin du Rivage

This chapter examines the political evolution of the mother country as authoritarian reformers exploited the social, political, and economic concerns of the landed elite to seize control of the state. Even as Grenville angrily exited the political stage, authoritarian reformers continued to argue for debt reduction, low wages, and a refurbished empire. Unsurprisingly, establishment and radical Whigs remained sharply critical of this new vision of politics. Despite the continuing opposition of radicals and establishment Whigs, however, authoritarian reformers used their power, not only to pass the Townshend Duties and Massachusetts Government Act, but also to reform British government in India.

2021 ◽  
pp. 239448112110203
Author(s):  
Supriya Rani ◽  
Neera Agnimitra

Devbans are the parts of forest territory that have been traditionally conserved in reverence to the local deities in various parts of Himachal Pradesh. Today, they stand at the intersection of tradition and modernity. This paper endeavours to study the political ecology of a Devban in the contemporary times by looking at the power dynamics between various stakeholders with respect to their relative decision making power in the realm of managing the Devban of Parashar Rishi Devta. It further looks at howcertain political and administrative factors can contribute towards the growth or even decline of any Devban. The study argues that in the contemporary times when the capitalist doctrines have infiltrated every sphere of the social institutions including the religion, Devbans have a greater probability of survival when both the state and the community have shared conservatory idealsand powers to preserve them.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-248
Author(s):  
Tetiana Drakokhrust

Migration processes revolving around the unsolved situation of Ukraine’s Eastern Donbas Region raise various legal questions and difficulties in the context regulation and recognition as well. This article sheds light on the political and legal status and the process of formation of unrecognized quasi-governmental entities, the issuance of passport and official documents, and migration instability. The article concludes that by seeking a forced secession of a separate territory from the mother country, separatism takes the entire population of the state as hostages, causing a critical migration situation within the sovereign state


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 344-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saul Newman

In this paper, I call for a re-consideration of anarchism and its alternative ways of conceptualising spaces for radical politics. Here I apply a Lacanian analysis of the social imaginary to explore the utopian fantasies and desires that underpin social spaces, discourses and practices – including planning, and revolutionary politics. I will go on to develop – via Castoriadis and others – a distinctly post-anarchist conception of political space based around the project of autonomy and the re-situation of the political space outside the state. This will have direct consequences for an alternative conception of planning practice and theory.


Author(s):  
Seema Sharma ◽  
Deepa Mann

The present article aims to underscore the role of state in developing the context within which corporate social responsibility (CSR) has emerged in India. The paper traces the trajectory of the Indian economy through the five year plans which were considered to be its backbone and which have now been jettisoned. In addition, it takes a critical look at the public rhetoric of the political class to justify CSR in India. The analysis shows that Indian state since Independence has been dominated by the bourgeoisie class and hence even while focusing on planned development, it continued to create pockets of want in the social sector which have eventually been used to provide justification for the mandated CSR in India. The state had neglected the social sector throughout the plan periods. With the onset of privatization, liberalization, and globalization under the structural adjustment in India, the involvement of state in social sector was likely to reduce further. The state therefore pushed for mandatory CSR to fill the likely gap and the political class of the country provided necessary rhetorical justification for the same.


Author(s):  
D Bold-Erdene

The major trends of the survey done by the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law, Academy of Sciences, was on the state of political parties and their impact and responsibilities on the social process within the framework of a two-stage project implementation on the “Support in Achieving MDG-9 on human rights and democratic governance in Mongolia”. The process in the state of the political parties has naturally been implemented, and eventually there was no deadlock and interruption in the course of action. Within the survey results, it seems imperfection and insufficient promises in the level of unsatisfactory quality in significance of progression. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i18.69 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.18 2013: 47-51


1983 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paige H. Porter

This paper argues that gender-related inequalities in education (and other areas) are most crucially understood as embedded in ideology about the family, and that that ideology is at least partially reproduced through the education system itself. The prevalent ideology about the family corresponds to the nature of the political economy and works to maintain and reproduce the social and sexual division of labour both within the family and in the society at large. This study describes one period of educational reform, 1900–1929 in Western Australia, and examines the ideology about the family that was perpetuated by the state through the formal education system at this time. However, social reproduction is seen as a complex process and subject to human mediation Consequently resistance to the state ideology is described, as are contradictions within the ideology itself. It is hoped that, by looking not only at reproduction but also at resistance and contradiction, the entire process will be seen as a more dynamic one.


2005 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Andrew Basden

In “On the character of social communities; the state and the public domain” [Philosophia Reformata 69(2):125-39, 2004] Dick Stafleu has suggested that the social aspect as currently constituted under Dooyeweerd, covers two distinct things: ”¢ companionship ”¢ authority and discipline, and that the latter should become a new aspect, the political, placed after the economic and before the juridical. (Stafleu seems to have dispensed with the aesthetic aspect that currently lies between those two aspects, largely taking Seerveld’s line that it should be redefined and placed earlier; see footnote 9 on p.130) I would like to briefly suggest some issues that need to be discussed and resolved before his suggestion is adopted. I have long felt the tension between the two parts of Dooyeweerd’s version of the social aspect that Stafleu refers to — companionship and authority — and I think Stafleu is right to open up discussion about it. But I am not happy that his proposal either is necessary or solves the problem. Moreover, I can also understand something of Dooyeweerd’s own thinking as he kept the two together.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Amira Mittermaier

Abstract Whereas some Muslim-majority countries have centralized alms economies, in others Islamic charity unfolds informally. In Egypt, pious giving occurs on the margins of the state but lies at the heart of society. Egyptians’ daily charitable practices may therefore be read as political in the broad sense proposed by Hannah Arendt: efforts by ordinary citizens to shape the conditions of their collective existence. Although this Arendtian framework helps scholars to think about politics beyond the parameters of the state, even such widened notions of the political are not consistent with how pious givers in Egypt understand their practices. While attending to the poor, pious givers often orient themselves away from the social and material, foregrounding the beyond, paradise and God. Even though the “beyond” is intimately connected to the “here and now,” this decentering of the social poses a provocative challenge to the secular observer’s search for the political.


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