Against comfort: political implications of evading discomfort

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-297
Author(s):  
Ditte Marie Munch-Jurisic

We typically think of emotional states as highly individualised and subjective. But visceral gut feelings like discomfort can be better understood as collective and public, when they reflect implicit biases that an individual has internalised. Most of us evade discomfort in favour of comfort, often unconsciously. This inclination, innocent in most cases, also has social and political consequences. Research has established that it is easier to interact with people who resemble us and that such in-group favouritism contributes to subtle forms of discrimination. If we want a more equal and unbiased society, we have a duty to expose ourselves to more discomfort. Living up to this duty requires an enhanced emotional vocabulary that captures the political dimensions of physiological affect. I argue that a better understanding of what I call interaction discomfort can mitigate subtle forms of discrimination.

Author(s):  
Franz Neumann

This chapter examines the political implications of the latest attempt on Adolf Hitler's life in relation to German morale at the time of the report. It first considers some of the principles for the evaluation of German morale: for example, the ruling group in Nazi Germany was made up of four segments: Nazi Party hierarchy, Armed Forces leadership, industrial and financial leaders, and high civil servants. In addition, in the course of World War II, the political power of the industrial leadership and of the civil servants had diminished to such a degree that they could assert themselves only by attempting to influence either Party or Army. The chapter proceeds by linking the timing of the attempt on Hitler's life to the impending transfer of the Home Army to Heinrich Himmler. It also analyzes the political character of the group behind the conspiracy to kill Hitler before concluding with a discussion of the political consequences of the failed assassination attempt.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 809-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
RHYS JENKINS

AbstractChina's rapid growth and increased integration with the global economy over the past three decades have significant economic impacts and political implications for Latin America. This paper reviews the debate over whether these impacts have on balance been positive or negative for the region. It argues that those who emphasise the positive economic impacts of China have been over-optimistic and underplay some of the negative impacts associated with Chinese competition in manufacturing and increasing Latin American specialisation in primary products. On the other hand, when focusing on the political dimensions, there has been a tendency to exaggerate both the extent of China's influence in the region and the fears to which this gives rise, particularly among US commentators.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Maria Kultaieva

The article proposes the critical analyses of the P. Mehring conception of philosophical pedagogy founded on the German idealism and Humboldt’s philosophy of education.   Transformations of the philosophical pedagogy are considering on the background of organizing changes in the education in the industrial and post-industrial contexts with regard to its meaning, logics and causes. The advantages of the interdisciplinary approach are proving on the problem field of the philosophical pedagogy in times of its rising and falls.The restoration of philosophical pedagogy of the early and developed industrialism is proposing with its  idealistic and institutional paradigm   (Humboldt-Hegel-Spranger) and the alternative one – the critical anti-institutionalism(Nietzsche -Adorno-Foucault), The heuristic metaphor  of the invention of freedom shows on the political  engagement of  philosophical pedagogy  what has both the negative and positive aspects. Some political pathologies of the state in the early post-industrial societies need pedagogical treating. That is why the revival perspective of philosophical pedagogy is inquiring.  For this case some actual ideas of W. von Humboldt and its transformations are used to show the risks and dangerous of educational reforms in the post-industrial contexts.The Kantian and Hegelian transformations are researching with the aim to show different tendencies of the development of education in philosophical reflections of pedagogical issues with political consequences regarding as possible paradigmatic changes which can exist as complementary ones.  The coherence of political and pedagogical ideas can exist in different constellations pursuing different purposes. The pedagogical construct of freedom as autonomy was often used in the political programs and political decisions, but the political reason is also an important factor for the transformations of contemporary educational systems and practices. The pedagogical construct  of freedom foresees the autonomy of educational institutions and independency of individual which cal be lost by his transforming to a  Wikipedia-citizen.


1972 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazli Choucri ◽  
James P. Bennett

Virtually eveyone reconizes the existence on an environmental crisis in the world today, but may uncertianties remain concerning the precise nature of this cirsis and its domestic and interational implications. This much is clear: The world's popu;lation is continuing to grow at an alarming pace; finite resources are being utilized at exponential rates; and technological advances are contributing to negative ecological outcomes. These trends have been documented extensively. Their political significance, however, has received little attention if only because the visibility of the problem is such a recent phenomenon. This article is addressed to some of the political consequences and international implications of the environmental crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Motta

Recently, Americans have become increasingly likely to hold anti-intellectual attitudes (i.e., negative affect toward scientists and other experts). However, few have investigated the political implications of anti-intellectualism, and much empirical uncertainty surrounds whether or not these attitudes can be mitigated. Drawing on cross-sectional General Social Survey (GSS) data and a national election panel in 2016, I find that anti-intellectualism is associated with not only the rejection of policy-relevant matters of scientific consensus but support for political movements (e.g., “Brexit”) and politicians (e.g., George Wallace, Donald Trump) who are skeptical of experts. Critically, though, I show that these effects can be mitigated. Verbal intelligence plays a strong role in mitigating anti-intellectual sympathies, compared with previously studied potential mitigators. I conclude by discussing how scholars might build on this research to study the political consequences of anti-intellectualism in the future.


MELINTAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Min Seong Kim

Although the linguistic theory of Ferdinand de Saussure is widely recognised as the forerunner of structuralism, it is often treated in the humanities and social sciences today as a stepping stone toward more sophisticated, generalised semiotics and theories of discourse. As a result, social and political implications of Saussure’s original conception of language have frequently been underestimated. Drawing from the classic lecture Course in General Linguistics and the fragmented notes collected in Writings in General Linguistics, this article offers a reconstruction of the social and political dimensions that were present, albeit in an inchoate form, within Saussure’s own theorisation. To act as a foil to the reconstructed Saussurean position, this article calls upon an essay that charts the historical development of the concept of discourse authored by Ernesto Laclau, who is perhaps the most politically oriented thinker among the many inheritors of the Saussurean legacy.


Author(s):  
Mark Giordano ◽  
Katalyn Voss ◽  
Signe Stroming

Acknowledging academic research on water and conflict is largely focused on surface waters in shared river basins, this chapter is to provides insights into some of the political dimensions of groundwater and its use and overuse in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. First, it provides an overview of current knowledge of groundwater resources, highlighting the rapid transformation in the way groundwater data and information is collected and shared outside of traditional official channels. Next, the chapter discusses the domestic political implications of groundwater overuse for food security and food price stability, and the additional challenges created when aquifers, or the rivers which feed them, are transboundary in nature. While the chapter recognizes the possibilities for technology to provide new data and information for groundwater decision making, it also acknowledges that groundwater governance and management is problematic worldwide. The chapter thus ends not with a vague call for “better” groundwater governance, policy, and management, but rather explores options for reducing the negative impacts of continued overuse.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Alan L. Mittleman

This chapter moves into the political and economic aspects of human nature. Given scarcity and interdependence, what sense has Judaism made of the material well-being necessary for human flourishing? What are Jewish attitudes toward prosperity, market relations, labor, and leisure? What has Judaism had to say about the political dimensions of human nature? If all humans are made in the image of God, what does that original equality imply for political order, authority, and justice? In what kinds of systems can human beings best flourish? It argues that Jewish tradition shows that we act in conformity with our nature when we elevate, improve, and sanctify it. As co-creators of the world with God, we are not just the sport of our biochemistry. We are persons who can select and choose among the traits that comprise our very own natures, cultivating some and weeding out others.


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