Indigenous Social Movements and Institutional Reform: Mechanisms of Interest Representation in Three Colombian Municipalities

In the 1990s, Colombia passed but unevenly enforced multicultural reforms to address indigenous rights. Parallel to this, decentralization laws delegated key aspects of interest intermediation to local governments. These reforms changed the political opportunity structure that framed the relationship between indigenous people and the state. Indigenous activists engaged nonindigenous authorities and institutions at the local level in contentious, cooperative, or competitive strategies of interest intermediation to redistribute assets, claim indigenous rights, and create coalitions committed to ethnic governance. These strategies involved various mechanisms including framing indigenous claims, mobilizing communities, and repurposing or revising existing institutions to help keep indigenous territories and communities together. The reforms opened new opportunities, and activists responded by sustaining contentious strategies of interest intermediation such as social protests and testing cooperative and competitive mechanisms to coordinate different jurisdictions, participate in local elections, build up broader constituencies, and increase coalitions to support indigenous rights. En la década de 1990, Colombia aprobó reformas multiculturales para abordar los derechos indígenas, pero procedió a ejercerlas de manera desigual. Paralelamente, las leyes de descentralización delegaron aspectos clave de la intermediación de intereses a los gobiernos locales. Estas reformas cambiaron la estructura de oportunidades políticas que enmarcaba la relación entre los pueblos indígenas y el Estado. Los activistas indígenas involucraron a autoridades e instituciones locales no indígenas en estrategias de intermediación de intereses contenciosas, cooperativas o competitivas para redistribuir activos, reclamar derechos indígenas y crear coaliciones comprometidas con la gobernanza étnica. Estas estrategias implicaron diversos mecanismos, entre ellos la formulación de reclamos indígenas, la movilización de las comunidades y la reutilización o revisión de las instituciones existentes para ayudar a mantener unidos los territorios y las comunidades indígenas. Las reformas dieron lugar a nuevas oportunidades, y los activistas respondieron sustentando estrategias contestatarias de intermediación de intereses, como protestas sociales, y probando mecanismos cooperativos y competitivos para coordinar distintas jurisdicciones, participar en elecciones locales, construir grupos más amplios y aumentar las coaliciones en apoyo a los derechos indígenas.

Colonial Ideologies, Narratives, and Popular Perceptions of Ethno-racial Otherness in the Dynamics of Urban Exclusion: Debates and Evidence from Mexico, Colombia, Chile, and Argentina

Although ethnic differentiations began with colonialism, racism was not widely addressed in Latin American social sciences until recently, since class perspectives were predominant. Within this, studies on residential segregation and urban exclusion have ignored race and ethnicity, with the exceptions of Brazil and Colombia. However, these issues have recently become crucial because of the adoption of multiculturalism, the impact of postcolonialism and postmodernism, the emergence of black and indigenous social movements, changes in state policy, and new trends in migration. A review of debates and evidence from Mexico, Colombia, Chile, and Argentina shows that persistent colonial ideologies, narratives, and popular perceptions of ethno-racial denial sustain various kinds of urban exclusion in the region. The evidence calls for a new research agenda to decolonize urban studies that adopts a critical perspective on the coloniality of power. Aunque las diferenciaciones étnicas comenzaron con el colonialismo, el racismo no se abordó ampliamente en las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas hasta hace poco, ya que predominaban las perspectivas de clase. Los estudios sobre la segregación residencial y la exclusión urbana han ignorado la raza y el origen étnico, con excepción de Brasil y Colombia. Sin embargo, estas cuestiones se han vuelto cruciales recientemente debido a la adopción del multiculturalismo, el impacto del poscolonialismo y el posmodernismo, la aparición de movimientos sociales negros e indígenas, los cambios en la política estatal y nuevas tendencias en la migración. Una revisión de los debates y evidencia en México, Colombia, Chile y Argentina muestra que las ideologías coloniales persistentes, las narrativas y las percepciones populares de la negación etnoracial sostienen varios tipos de exclusión urbana en la región. La evidencia exige una nueva agenda de investigación para descolonizar los estudios urbanos y adoptar una perspectiva crítica sobre la colonialidad del poder.

The Environment as a Meta-narrative: Introduction to a Special Issue

Narratives about protecting, speaking/acting for the environment are ubiquitous in a wide variety of heterogenous social situations. The essays in this special issue examine the form, content, context and materiality of the discourse of environmental protection. Based on field studies in India, the essays each examine the discourses in and of the courtroom, logic of state bureaucracy, legitimating frames of neoliberal urban policy, regional development narratives and subjectivities developed in indigenous social movements against land acquisition. In each of these contexts the environment is invoked, sometimes in strategic or even instrumental ways; in others, a green discourse is normative, even constitutive of subjectivities of the people involved. It is shaped by material relations in each specific context. The malleability of form and content of the environmental narrative encourages its appropriation in multiple registers and allows meaningful expression of diverse material contestations through it. It is in this diversity of appropriation that we suggest that the environment is a meta-narrative of our times.

“Where Your Voice Burns Like Fire”: Visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices of intergenerational political socialization among the Purépecha of Cherán, México

This article analyzes visual art and radio broadcasting as semiotic practices that serve as crucial sites of child and youth participation in Indigenous social movements. Looking specifically at a movement against organized crime, political corruption, and environmental exploitation that emerged in 2011 among the Purépechan people of Cherán, Michoacán, México, we show how young people’s creative practices present a significant challenge to hegemonic models of adult- directed political socialization and participation, although they do not result in a total flattening of age-based hierarchies. Drawing on multimodal ethnographic fieldwork and personal experience in the movement, we show how the creative practices of youth activists facilitate the production and circulation of visual and sonic content that conveys historical and onto-epistemological frameworks which guide the movement. We also show how the circulation of this content generates the potential to influence those who come into contact with it, including both Purépechans and non-Purépechans who reside well beyond the borders of Cherán. In doing so, we demonstrate that multimodal ethnographic attention to the ways in which young people’s diverse semiotic repertoires are deployed in contexts of political activism can provide valuable insights about political socialization, intergenerational relationships, and the entanglement of a variety of politically charged semiotic forms in everyday life.

The Call for Critical Multiculturalism

This review looks at the current literature within Indigenous and newcomer relationships under the contemporary Canadian multicultural framework. The ever-increasing prevalence of Indigenous social movements and instances of cross-continental migration position the topic at the forefront of social policy since the inception of multiculturalism as a governmental policy in the 1970s. Traditional multiculturalism positions newcomer populations in support of the ongoing formation of the Canadian settler state due to factors of misinformation and hierarchized measures of a newcomer group’s ability to successfully integrate. Considerable efforts are required to diminish the discursive gap between the historically oppressed social groups. The literature posits structural change within the theory of critical multiculturalism to support nuanced binationalism and increased instances of social interaction. These efforts are required to facilitate a potentially transformative relationship between each group in relation to the greater multicultural project.

Indigenous Politics and Resistance in Latin America: Continuity and Change

Indigenous social movements have become influential political actors in Latin America over the past three decades. Indigenous peoples continue to experience higher than average political, social and economic marginalization throughout the region. The powerful organizations created by Indigenous groups and the positive outcomes they have achieved despite these barriers have produced a body of research that examines how these social movements emerged, why some have succeeded in influencing policy, the construction of collective identity, and the strategies and tactics used. Indigenous movements have made claims based on their status as pre-colonial peoples; their demands include land rights, control over natural resources, cultural recognition, and political autonomy. Indigenous movements in countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico have used disruptive tactics such as marches and roadblocks to demand the attention of governments, the public and media. They have also strategically participated in building alliances across borders, supporting political parties, and undertaking legal action against powerful actors including the state and extractive industries. The high-profile Indigenous protest cycle that marked the 1990s and early 2000s across Latin America began to wind down during the first decade of the 21st century, but Indigenous movements continue to engage in both politics and protest. In the digital age, they have adapted their tactics to include social media and other technologies.

Indigenous Social Movements in the Americas

The present text serves as an introduction to RIAS Vol. 12, Spring–Summer № 1 /2019, dedicated to Indigenous social movements in the Americas. It outlines the major areas of interest of the Contributors, explaining ways in which the issue explores selected cases of Indigenous resistance to oppressive forms of environmental, socio-economic, linguistic, and cultural colonialism. Looking at both multi-tribal and single-tribal contexts, the authors look at the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, the novels of Lakota/Anishinaabe writer Frances Washburn, the Two-Spirit movement in the U.S., and the Indigenous food sovereignty movement in the U.S. and Peru as sites of creative forms of decolonizing resistance, and analyze the material, discursive, and cultural strategies employed by the Indigenous activists, writers, and farmers involved.

Resistance and Reclamation

After many years, and for some peoples centuries, of colonial/imperial dispossession of their lives and cultures, indigenous peoples are increasingly gaining momentum in self-determination and collective agency. A spirit is moving, however slowly but strongly, through Indigenous country. It is called indigenism, the international human rights movement for indigenous peoples. This chapter examines how indigenous peoples and Inuit are reclaiming their lives after colonialism. Self-determination and human rights are discussed, as are indigenous social movements. These movements are seen in Canada, the United States, Ecuador, the Philippines, South America, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and other countries. The chapter concludes with a focus on Inuit self-determination, including land claims and self-government.

Strategic Incapacitation of Indigenous Dissent: Crowd Theories, Risk Management, and Settler Colonial Policing

Engaging scholarship from sociologies of security to protest policing, this article explores how risk management and actuarial tools have been operationalized in Canadian policing of Indigenous protests. We detail RCMP actuarial tools used to assess individual and group risk by tracing how these techniques are representative of much older trends in the criminal justice system surrounding the management of risk, but also have been advanced by contemporary databanking and surveillance capacities. Contesting public claims of police impartiality and objectivity, we highlight how the construction of riskiness produces an antagonism towards “successful” Indigenous protests. Though the RCMP regularly claim to “protect and facilitate the right to lawful advocacy, protest and dissent,” we show how these practices of strategic incapacitation exhibit highly antagonistic forms of policing that are grounded in a rationality that seeks to demobilize and delegitimize Indigenous social movements.