scholarly journals How do cardiovascular diseases harm labor force participation? Evidence of nationally representative survey data from Japan, a super-aged society

PLoS ONE ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (7) ◽  
pp. e0219149
Author(s):  
Rong Fu ◽  
Haruko Noguchi ◽  
Shuhei Kaneko ◽  
Akira Kawamura ◽  
Cheolmin Kang ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cardiovascular Diseases ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Labor Force Participation ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Aged Society ◽  
Nationally Representative

The Division of Housework Among “Remarried” Couples

1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
ORIEL SULLIVAN
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Analysis ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Focus Of Attention ◽  
Significant Issue ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Housework Time ◽  
Cohabiting Couples ◽  
Division Of Housework ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Remarried Couples

There are only a limited number of studies comparing housework among couples and individuals in different marital statuses, and the focus of attention has tended to be on married compared to cohabiting couples. This article focuses on differences between couples where one or more partner is remarried or recohabiting and those where both partners are in their first married or cohabiting relationships, using nationally representative survey data from Britain. It is shown in multivariate analysis that women in their second-plus partnerships contribute less in terms of their proportion of total housework time than women in their first partnerships. However, there is no effect for the man's number of previous partnerships or for current marital/cohabiting status. It is argued that the significant issue is interaction and negotiation with a subsequent partner in the light of experience gained from the breakdown of one or more previous married/cohabiting relationships.

scholarly journals Racial, Religious, and Civic Dimensions of Anti-Muslim Sentiment in America

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Gerteis ◽  
Douglas Hartmann ◽  
Penny Edgell
Keyword(s):  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Cultural Construction ◽  
Social Location ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Race Theory ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
Cultural Boundaries ◽  
Nationally Representative

Abstract This paper examines anti-Muslim sentiment in America. Existing research has documented rising hostility to Muslims in Western countries, but has been much less clear about what drives such sentiments or exactly what sort of “other” Muslims are understood to be. Our interest is in the cultural construction of Muslims as a problematic or incompatible “other.” We explore the extent, content, and correlates of such views. Building from recent work in critical race theory and the study of cultural boundaries in national belonging, we argue that Muslims are distinct in being culturally excluded on religious, racial, and civic grounds at the same time. Using nationally representative survey data with specially designed measures on views of Muslims and other groups, we show that nearly half of Americans embrace some form of anti-Muslim sentiment, and that such views are systematically correlated with social location and with understandings of the nature of American belonging.

Non-Medicare Enrollees Aged 65 or Older: The Effects of Labor-Force Participation, Citizenship, and Age

2020 ◽  
pp. 073346482090165
Author(s):  
Sunha Choi
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Multilevel Modeling ◽  
Labor Force Participation ◽  
Associated Factors ◽  
State Level ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
Enrollment Rates ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

This study investigated the relationships among age, labor force participation, and citizenship status in relation to non-Medicare enrollment among individuals aged 65 years or older. Two-level multilevel modeling (states > individuals) with a nationally representative sample of 566,003 individuals was conducted to control for state-level variations in non-Medicare enrollment rates. Among those aged 65 to 66 years, 11.2% were non-Medicare enrollees nationwide. However, analyses indicated significant differences in non-Medicare enrollment rates by age, labor force participation, citizenship status, and state of residence. Moreover, the relationship between labor force participation and age was different between U.S. citizens and noncitizens (i.e., a significant three-way interaction). Specifically, labor force participation was associated with greater probabilities of non-Medicare enrollment among U.S. citizens aged between 65 and 69 years, although the opposite was true among noncitizens. While reasons for non-Medicare enrollment appear voluntary for some older adults (i.e., employment), some associated factors indicate subpopulations of vulnerable non-Medicare enrollees (i.e., noncitizens, aged 70+).

scholarly journals Islamism and gender relations in the Muslim world as reflected in recent World Values Survey data

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arno Tausch ◽  
Almas Heshmati
Keyword(s):  
Labor Force ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Labor Force Participation ◽  
Labor Economics ◽  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Female Labor Force Participation ◽  
World Values Survey ◽  
Female Labor ◽  
Religious Factor ◽  
And Gender

Ever since Goldin (1995) proposed the idea that there is a U-shaped female labor force participation rate function in economic development, empirical research is stunned by the question why the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are characterized by such low rates of female labor force participation. This gap in labor economics research is all the more perplexing since gender equality, particularly in education and employment, significantly contributes to economic growth. The research strategy of this paper is within a relatively new tradition in labor market research, initiated by Besamusca et al. (2015), which does not exclude the “religious factor” and what the authors call “gender ideology”. Our analysis of the “gender ideology” of Islamism and gender values is based on an empirical analysis of World Values Survey data. In recent economic theory, Carvalho (2013) maintained that Muslim veiling is a strategy for integration, enabling women to take up outside economic opportunities while preserving their reputation within the community. The empirical data clearly support a pessimistic view. We show that Muslim Feminism, which according to our analysis implies the rejection of Islamism and the veil, and the democracy movement in the Muslim world, are closely interrelated. Thus, it is imperative that Western Feminism develops solidarity with Muslim Feminism, and that labor economics stop excluding the religious factor from the analytical frameworks explaining low female labor force participation rates.

scholarly journals An analysis of predictors for heavy alcohol drinking using nationally representative survey data in Japan

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tasuku Okui
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Alcohol Drinking ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Heavy Drinking ◽  
Living Alone ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Nationally Representative

Abstract Background Predictors of heavy or moderate alcohol drinking behavior have not been investigated using recent nationally representative survey data in Japan. This study investigated the effects of the predictors of heavy and moderate alcohol drinking in Japan using nationally representative survey data. Methods Anonymous data from the 2013 Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions in Japan were used to compare the predictors of heavy and moderate drinkers with those who abstain. Anonymized data that are resampled from all the survey data from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare were obtained. Age group, marital status, living arrangements, educational level, household income, smoking status, and employment type were used as the explanatory variables. In addition, the drinking status (i.e., heavy drinker, moderate drinker, or abstainer) was used as the outcome variable. A multinomial logistic regression model was used, and an analysis comparing heavy drinkers and abstainers, as well as moderate drinkers and abstainers, was conducted. Results Moderate drinking was positively associated with high educational level or high household income for men and women, as well as married status for men. In addition, unemployment was found to be negatively associated with heavy drinking for men and women, and an unmarried status was also found to be negatively associated with heavy drinking for men. Moreover, lower educational levels and smoking prevalence were found to be associated with heavy drinking for men and women. Furthermore, living alone for men and working in a large-scale company for women were also found to be predictors of heavy drinking. Conclusions The preventive measures for heavy drinking were suggested to be particularly needed for those with lower educational levels and smokers. A call for attention among men living alone and among female employees in large-scale workplaces is also needed.

scholarly journals Who Identifies as Anti-Racist? Racial Identity, Color-Blindness, and Generic Liberalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110529
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Perry ◽  
Kenneth E. Frantz ◽  
Joshua B. Grubbs
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Color Blindness ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
The Social ◽  
Racial Injustice ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Nationally Representative

Although decades old, the terms “anti-racism/antiracism” and “anti-racist/antiracist” have grown in usage by scholars, authors, and activists to convey the necessity of active opposition to racial injustice. But as the terms have become more mainstream, researchers have yet to examine the social and ideological correlates of actually describing oneself as “anti-racist.” Drawing on nationally representative survey data fielded at the height of national interest in “antiracist/anti-racist” language, the authors find that Blacks and Hispanics are significantly less likely than whites to describe themselves as “anti-racist,” and only the “very liberal” are more likely than other political orientations to identify with the label. Considering ideological correlates, progressive racial ideology is the strongest predictor of identifying as “anti-racist.” However, the second strongest correlate is describing oneself as “color-blind.” Analyses of quadratic terms suggests that this correlation is curvilinear for nonwhites but more linear for whites. Although originally conveying more radical and subversive ideals, those currently most likely to self-describe as “anti-racist” are white progressives with what we call “generically liberal” racial views.

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