When the last child moves out: Continuity and convergence in spouses' housework time

Objective: To examine how mothers’ and fathers’ time allocation for housework changes during the transition to postparenthood, i.e. when the last child moves out of their family households. Background: When the last child moves out, parental households are sized back to the situation before parenthood. Mothers and fathers are released from their direct parenting roles and parental time binds. This transition creates a context in which individual and coupled time allocation are likely to be rearranged. Methods: Changes in mothers’ and fathers’ housework time and mothers’ shares of total housework time were estimated using longitudinal fixed effects regression models, using data from the German Socio-economic Panel Study (1985-2019) on 1,004 households experiencing the transition to postparenthood. Results: Mothers’ time for housework declined by 11 minutes in the years before and by further 7 minutes per day at the transition to postparenthood, whereas fathers’ time declined by 6 minutes in the year after the last child has moved out of the parental household. Mothers’ share of total housework time remained constant around 72-75 percent around postparenthood. Analyses for different groups and specific tasks revealed no variations in the gendered trajectories of housework time. In general, mothers continued to do the majority of housework despite some slight convergence. Conclusion: The transition to postparenthood contributes slightly to the life-course convergence of housework time and thus, similar to all major life-course transitions following the birth of children, tends to reduce housework inequality in couples.

Gender Inequality in Housework: Persistence and Change by Partnership and Parenthood Status in the Early 2000s

Heterosexual unions and parenthood are key contributors to gender inequality in housework. Over the last two decades, the social meaning of partnership and parenthood has changed. This study investigated whether this change in the narrative of partnership and parenthood status influenced changes in the housework gender gap. Using the American Time Use Survey 2003–2005 and 2013–2015, the findings show that housework gender gap was larger for people in a couple relationship than for singles. For nonparents, the gender gap in housework was no difference between those married and those cohabiting. Gender inequality in housework persisted among married parents but decreased among cohabiting parents, mainly because of the increase in cohabiting fathers’ housework time. These findings suggest a heterosexual union, particularly marriage, reproduces conventional gender roles. Men’s gendered behaviors were not uniform but diverse across partnership and parenthood status.

Do Better-Educated Couples Share Domestic Work More Equitably in Japan? It Depends on the Day of the Week

This paper investigates the gendered division of labor in different types of domestic work within married couples in contemporary Japan. We analyze routine housework such as cleaning and cooking, non-routine housework such as home repairs, and care work by using the 2016 Survey of Time Use and Leisure Activities (Japan’s national time diary survey). Our core analysis is done using ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions on total domestic work time, routine housework time, non-routine housework time, and care time. We find that women’s domestic work time dwarfs men’s, and there is some variation by day of the week and education. On weekdays domestic work is almost exclusively the domain of women. On weekends we find evidence of compensatory behaviors for both men and women. Men, especially those with university education, catch up on all types of unpaid work while women, especially those with tertiary education, catch up on unpaid work mostly by spending more time caring for children. Looking at the family balance in sharing domestic labor we find that men increase their time on unpaid work on weekends proportionately more than women do. Consequently, within couples, wives’ share of all types of unpaid work is around 10% smaller on weekends compared to weekdays. In couples where wives have tertiary education, there is an additional reduction by several percentage points in their weekend share of domestic work time compared to weekdays. Our findings suggest that Japanese men’s long work hours contribute to gender inequality in domestic work participation. We also find that university education is associated with more equal sharing of domestic workload, indicating that socialization may play a role in bringing about greater egalitarianism in the domestic sphere in the future.

Flexplace Work and Partnered Fathers’ Time in Housework and Childcare

Prior studies that show no association between fathers’ work flexibility and their domestic contributions suffer from measurement limitations and/or the lack of nationally representative data. Using data on fathers in different-sex partnerships (n = 1,956) from the 2017–2018 American Time Use Survey Leave Module, we examine three indicators (use, frequency of use and reason for use) of working from home—a work–family benefit is known as flexplace—and consider whether partners’ employment status moderates the association between flexplace and fathers’ time in domestic labor. Fathers who use flexplace benefits report more routine childcare, regardless of the reason for flexplace use or their partners’ employment status. The association between flexplace use and fathers’ housework time is conditional on their partners’ employment status and fathers’ rationale for working from home.

Housework time within family households: Mothers', fathers', and siblings' contributions

Objective: To investigate time use of housework for all members of shared family households with a special focus on how time allocation varied by siblings’ sex-composition. Background: Two knowledge gaps were addressed: first, young people’s contribution to housework, since studying children in their primary socialization environment adds to the understanding of the foundations of gender inequality in unpaid work times over the life course and in society; second, the allocation of housework time between all family members, as there is yet no study that includes every household member in the analysis of housework time allocation within family households. Methods: 1,263 four-person-households were sampled from the German Time Use Study (pooled data from 1991/1992, 2001/2002 and 2012/2013). Using information from 13,525 time diaries, the absolute and relative time use for several housework activities was analyzed for weekdays and weekends by siblings’ sex-composition, applying linear regression. Results: Mothers and daughters spent more time for housework and routine chores than fathers and sons in shared family households. Total housework time was lowest in households with two sons and highest in households with two daughters. In households with opposite-sex siblings, daughters and sons performed a division of housework that closely resembled the traditional model of gender inequality. Conclusion: Even in times of gender convergence, traditional housework behavior is transmitted from parents to their children.

Marriage and housework

This article provides insights into the gains of forming a couple by estimating how much of the difference in housework between single and married individuals is causal and how much is due to selection. Time-varying observed variables and time-invariant heterogeneity explains about half of the observed differences in housework documented in the cross-sectional data. There remains a genuine one-and-a-half-hour increase per week in housework time for each partner, with women specializing in routine and men in non-routine housework tasks.

Modelling Unpaid Housework Time in Poland on the Basis of a Time Use Survey

Research background: The paper introduces an econometric analysis of unpaid household work in Poland.Purpose: The purpose is a quantitative analysis of the relations between the time spent on unpaid housework and some selected demographic, economic and social variables.Research methodology: In the survey, the respondents were grouped by gender and type of locality. It was hypothesized that there are strong differences in the determinants of housework time by gender and type of locality. Multiple regression models for housework time and 23 demographic, social and economic variables were estimated and verified. The analysis was conducted on the basis of individual data from the Time Use Survey conducted by the Statistics Poland in 2013.Results: The empirical study found no differences in the key determinants of housework time between women and men depending on the type of locality. The main factors of influence were: paid work time, time spent meeting physiological needs (sleeping, eating, washing), time spent on learning, the number of children and, finally, economic activity.Novelty: The theoretical part outlines barely known economic theories that addressed the issue of unpaid housework. The authors describe the care economy, humanistic economics, economics of happiness, time allocation theory as well as a two-dimensional approach to poverty research. Housework (which means the unpaid activity of household members aimed at satisfying the needs of individuals forming the household) has also been out of economic mainstream categories. Even though unpopular, it has an economic value and can be replaced by market goods and services or offered by the state. The authors have been persuaded that there are tangible and intangible benefits resulting from this type of work.