scholarly journals Contentious precarious generation in anti-austerity movements in Spain and Italy

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Andretta ◽  
Donatella Della Porta
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Organizational Network ◽  
Network Embeddedness ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Formal Network

This article focuses on the precarious generation protesting in Spain and Italy in times of crisis and austerity (2010-2012). Their many similarities notwithstanding, the two countries have experienced different types of mobilization against austerity measures. In Spain, a relatively autonomous mobilization –characterized by new collective actors and new forms of action– has made possible the building of a political actor, Podemos, able to seriously challenge the established political parties. In Italy, instead, the mobilization was dominated by established political actors, especially trade unions, did not produce innovative forms of action and has not been able to overcome (so far) the fragmentation of the social movement sector. In both countries, however, the anti-austerity protests have been characterized by a strong presence of what we call hear the “precarious generation”, particularly exposed to the economic crisis and the austerity measures. By relying on data from several surveys conducted in demonstrations on social, economic and labor issues in the two countries from 2010 to 2011, in this article we single out differences and the similarities in terms of presence, social composition, grievances and emotion, collective identity and network embeddedness of the precarious generation. Our findings show that the precarious generation was almost equally present in the selected demonstrations in the two countries, share similar socio-graphic features and similar types of grievance and emotions. Nonetheless, in Spain it seems to have built a more cohesive and radical collective identity based upon a more informal and internet based network integration while in Italy it seems embedded in a more traditional and formal network, which prevented the formation of a strong collective identity. Moreover, while in Spain the differences between the older and the precarious generation reveal that, both have a strong identity based on different networks; more formal the older and more related to informal and online instruments the latter; in Italy, the older generation has a much stronger collective identity based on a organizational network, while the precarious one is less but still integrated in organizational network. We conclude that the more autonomous civil society tradition in Spain, together with the particular political opportunities, under the pressure of a harsher economic crisis, may account for the differences we found.

scholarly journals Trade Unions, Migrant Workers, and Racial Discrimination in Italy in Times of Economic Crisis

Two Homelands ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Della Puppa
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

Trade unions have a crucial role in the social integration processes of migrants. Nevertheless, some aspects of this relationship are still relatively unexplored, particularly that of the relationship between trade unions and racism and that of the trade unions’ fight against racial discrimination. This paper aims to investigate the still partially unexplored link between Italian trade unions and racial discrimination within the framework of the 2008 economic crisis. Through the narratives of stakeholders, trade unions, and migrant workers, the author provides an in-depth look at the efforts of Italian trade unions to fight discrimination and examines the main barriers that prevent migrants from being involved in unions.

scholarly journals Terms of Engagement: Re-Defining Identity and Infertility On-line

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elzbieta Korolczuk
Keyword(s):  
Collective Identity ◽  
Social Engagement ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Specific Element ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sick People ◽  
Digital Community ◽  
The Social ◽  
On Line ◽  
Identity Based

This article focuses on the identity work that takes place on the biggest Polish Internet forum for infertile people (www.nasz-bocian.pl). It is an example of a wider trend of “digital groupings created by and for those who struggle with the physical and emotional burden of a disease or disability, and through blogs, chats and forums contact others who have similar experiences, while staying anonymous. Participating in on-line discussions often leads to various forms of social engagement, both on-line and off-line. The sick, their family members, partners and friends cooperate in order to change the public discourse, as well as the regulation and financing of research and the treatment of certain diseases. Emergence and proliferation of such digital groupings raise questions such as: what ails these communities? How the collective identity is constructed on-line? This article examines “boundary work, which is a specific element of collective identity construction processes. The analysis concerns how the borders are established between the different sub-groups within the digital community, and how this process involves producing novel forms of identity based on a fragmented “socially legitimized childlessness. It focuses on a sub-forum” Conscious Childlessness and is based on qualitative analysis of the posts placed there. This sub-forum was established by users who do not necessarily share the dominant collective identity around which the social mobilization on infertility in Poland coalesces. They refuse to see themselves as sick people, or as patients, attempting to construct a new collective identity based on the idea of choice and the pursuit of happiness.

The Radical Left

2020 ◽  
pp. 298-315
Author(s):  
Yiannos Katsourides
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Politics ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Strategic Issues ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ideological Identity ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Radical Left

This chapter examines both the turbulent history and the contemporary experience of the Greek radical Left, that is, SYRIZA, focusing particularly on its incumbent period (post-2015). In the course of examination it explores a range of relevant issues: the social and political developments in Greece and the EU; the structure of political opportunities that facilitated the rise of SYRIZA in government; the government–opposition dynamics and the way they affected the party’s trajectory; and the agent itself, that is, SYRIZA, with its multiple internal contradictions. The analysis of SYRIZA highlights a number of strategic issues that all Left parties face once they become significant political actors, issues that unavoidably touch on their ideological identity and the type of party they embrace. The overall findings of the analysis suggest that SYRIZA’s incumbency revealed the inconsistencies between its pre-electoral promises and post-electoral performance. Despite its vocal opposition to neo-liberalism, SYRIZA has practised a (soft) neo-liberal austerity policy, which not only contradicts its ideological profile and pre-electoral pledges, but also refutes the party’s history and past political practice. Unable to preserve its radicalism, the party seems trapped in populist practices and symbolic politics. Analysis also reveals similarities with previous PASOK incumbencies particularly of the early era (1974–81).

Protest on Unemployment: Forms and Opportunities

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella Porta
Keyword(s):  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Labor Policies ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Unemployed ◽  
The Impact

The "return" of poor people movements encourages reflection on the impact of changes in the social structure, the availability of organizational resources, and political and discursive opportunities for collective action. Based on a quantitative and qualitative claim analysis in six European countries, this article maps unemployment-related protest actions in three areas: (a) long-term unemployment; (b) massive dismissals; and (c) unemployment and labor policies within more general cycles of protest. The article discusses the actors, the forms and claims of the protests, and the social and political opportunities for their development. Protests on unemployment tend to assume some similar forms, each oriented to stress the "absolute injustice" of the position of the unemployed. The framing of the issues of both labor changes and the evolution of the labor market restates the importance of social dynamics for political protest. Unions as well as other social movements and political actors play an important role in the protest against unemployment.

scholarly journals Politicization of sports as a phenomenon and problem

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Leonid Savinov ◽  
M. Aloyan ◽  
M. Shumasov
Keyword(s):  
High Performance ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Science Studies ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Social

The aim of the study is a political analysis of the relationship between sports and politics based on an institutional approach using SWOT analysis. The author's hypothesis is based on the understanding that the interpenetration of politics and sports in the modern world is becoming global and comprehensive and will increase: the politicization of sports as a social institution and the entire sports sphere is acquiring a new political normality. The paper highlights the basic trends and the main socio-political opportunities, as well as the risks and threats associated with the use of high-performance sports for political and instrumental purposes. It is revealed that in the modern world, sport is not only an instrument of big politics, but also produces politics, ideology and political meanings. Sport in the world is increasingly becoming not only the arena of tough political confrontations and ideological battles, but also forms a new political reality that influences the social behavior of the broadest masses, as well as individual social groups and political actors. In the context of Russia's growing political confrontation in the international arena, a deep, including scientifically based, understanding of the role of sports in the new realities is necessary. The conclusions reached by the authors of the work can be used as a scientific and methodological basis for political science studies of the interdependence of politics and sports, as well as for making political decisions in the field of sports.

scholarly journals History and Religion as Sources of Hellenic Identity in Late Byzantium and the Post-Byzantine Era

Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Steiris
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Historical Continuity ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Byzantine Era ◽  
The Common

Recently, seminal publications highlighted the Romanitas of the Byzantines. However, it is not without importance that from the 12th century onwards the ethnonym Hellene (Ἓλλην) became progressively more popular. A number of influential intellectuals and political actors preferred the term Hellene to identify themselves, instead of the formal Roman (Ρωμαῖος) and the common Greek (Γραικός). While I do not intend to challenge the prevalence of the Romanitas during the long Byzantine era, I suggest that we should reevaluate the emerging importance of Hellenitas in the shaping of collective and individual identities after the 12th century. From the 13th to the 16th century, Byzantine scholars attempted to recreate a collective identity based on cultural and historical continuity and otherness. In this paper, I will seek to explore the ways Byzantine scholars of the Late Byzantine and Post Byzantine era, who lived in the territories of the Byzantine Empire and/or in Italy, perceived national identity, and to show that the shift towards Hellenitas started in the Greek-speaking East.

Organising experience of informal sector workers – a road less travelled

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 798-817
Author(s):  
Girish Balasubramanian ◽  
Santanu Sarkar
Keyword(s):  
Informal Sector ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
Union Participation ◽  
Identity Model

PurposeThis paper uses the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) framework of Zomeren et al. (2008) to explain the organising experiences of the informal sector workers engaged in large number in the world's largest shipbreaking industry located in the western Indian town of Alang.Design/methodology/approachA single case study approach was adopted to understand the participation of shipbreaking workers in their trade union and factors that influence their participation.FindingsSense of cohesive collective identity and injustice alongside efficacy considerations have shaped the organising experiences and affected the participation of informal sector workers in their union. The trade union was able to overcome the scourge of invisibility that has been one of the dominant features of informal sector employment.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper treated union participation as unidimensional. Besides, the subjective conceptualization of strengths of perceptions of injustice, identities and efficacy considerations could be a limitation. The paper does acknowledge the gendered nature of shipbreaking but have not actively pursued it as a part of our research.Practical implicationsThe findings of our study are an exemplar for those who intend to organise informal sector workers, especially precarious workers. The empirical findings allude to the role of trade unions in combating the invisibility, which is one of the defining features of informal sector workers through a distinctive, cohesive identity inculcated in those workers.Originality/valueThis paper has borrowed the SIMCA framework to explore union participation. Organising experiences of precarious workers from the developing world provides a contextual and an empirical novelty to our study.

scholarly journals Conspiracy theories before and after the Greek crisis: Discursive patterns and political use of the “enemy” theme

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Athena Skoulariki
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Western Us ◽  
The Social ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Attribution Of Blame ◽  
Political Praxis

Conspiracy theories have been associated to a paranoid way of thinking; however they are not always marginal and utterly irrational. Conspiracist narratives reflect rival strategies of interpretation, and can have a real impact on the social and political praxis. More than factual accuracy, I suggest that what distinguishes a conspiracy theory is a type of discourse, its key features being: suspicion, intentionality, personification, speculation and denunciation.This paper examines conspiracy theories that dominated Greek public discourse before and after the economic crisis of the years 2010s, particularly those introduced by political actors as a means of political persuasion and mobilisation. Greek political culture and the discredit of the political system since 2010 led to frequent expressions of distrust towards political elites and foreign “powers”. My analysis focuses on the acceptability of conspiracy theories in relation with social representations, dominant stereotypes and widely shared interpretative schemata.The following cases of conspiracy theories are discussed: a) the wildfires that ravaged large parts of Greece in 2007, supposedly set by “foreign agents”; b) the alleged assassination plot in 2008-2009 against the PM Karamanlis by Western / US secret services; c) the conspiracy theories attributing the economic crisis to a deliberate foreign plot against Greece. The paper examines in particular the attribution of blame to presumed “enemies”, in line with nationalist discursive themes and stereotypes.

scholarly journals Rationalities in Trade Union Practices: A Discourse Analytic Perspective on The Strategies of Three Danish Trade Unions for Professionals

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Anders Buch
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
Discursive Practices ◽  
Archaeological Investigation ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
Made In

The ambition of this paper is to analyze the discursive practices of three Danish trade unions for professional and managerial staff as found in their strategy and position papers. Using discourse analytic methods, the paper analyzes, discusses, and compares the strategy papers of the three unions in order to investigate how they problematize their roles and objectives. This investigation clarifies the discursive premises of the unions and it shows how these premises restrain and afford their agendas. The overall purpose of the paper is to investigate and describe the dominant logics and rationalities that shape the documents and to point to their limits and bounds. Through an archaeological investigation, the paper critically examines the implicit and tacit naturalizations made in the documents and reveals the ideological presuppositions of the discursive practices of the authors. The paper documents how “strategic management” has become an integral part of Danish trade unions practices and the paper sets out to discuss this trend in relation to the general neo-liberal decentering of the “social” and promotion of “community” as the locus of governance. Through examples from the practices of the Danish trade unions for professionals, the paper substantiates how new technologies of governance and the subjectification of union members as “customers” tend to transform the role of the trade unions from the position of “political actors” to “service providers” in the advanced liberal societies.

Islamists between revolution and the state: an epilogue

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Ghani Imad
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Needs ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
Heavy Burden ◽  
New Type ◽  
Political Realities

The problematic addressed in this article is the challenge initiated by the Arab revolutions to reform the Arab political system in such a way as to facilitate the incorporation of ‘democracy’ at the core of its structure. Given the profound repercussions, this issue has become the most serious matter facing the forces of change in the Arab world today; meanwhile, it forms the most prominent challenge and the most difficult test confronting Islamists. The Islamist phenomenon is not an alien implant that descended upon us from another planet beyond the social context or manifestations of history. Thus it cannot but be an expression of political, cultural, and social needs and crises. Over the years this phenomenon has presented, through its discourse, an ideological logic that falls within the context of ‘advocacy’; however, today Islamists find themselves in office, and in a new context that requires them to produce a new type of discourse that pertains to the context of a ‘state’. Political participation ‘tames’ ideology and pushes political actors to rationalize their discourse in the face of daily political realities and the necessity of achievement. The logic of advocacy differs from that of the state: in the case of advocacy, ideology represents an enriching asset, whereas in the case of the state, it constitutes a heavy burden. This is one reason why so much discourse exists within religious jurisprudence related to interest or necessity or balancing outcomes. This article forms an epilogue to the series of articles on religion and the state published in previous issues of this journal. It adopts the methodologies of ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘case studies’ in an attempt to examine the arguments presented by Islamists under pressure from the opposition. It analyses the experiences, and the constraints, that inhibit the production of a ‘model’, and monitors the development of the discourse, its structure, and transformations between advocacy, revolution and the state.

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