scholarly journals O Problema do Poder Efetivo na Câmara dos Deputados

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renan Barbosa de Morais ◽  
Mário César San Felice ◽  
Pedro Henrique Del Bianco Hokama ◽  
Gabriel Ávila Casalecchi
Keyword(s):  
Game Theory ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Power Index ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Mathematical Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Power ◽  
The One ◽  
Index Problem

Proportionality in political representation is an essential theme forrepresentative democracy. In Brazil, this debate appears in the contextof non-proportionality between a federative unit’s populationsize and its number of representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.In other words, the number of deputies in a state is not proportionalto its number of inhabitants, which violates the "one man, one vote"principle.Discussions around this disproportionality have motivated scholarsto develop empirical research that aims to identify the causesand consequences of the phenomenon and to analyze the impactthat the rule introduces in the political process. This article seeksto contribute to this debate by measuring the effective power ofeach Brazilian federation’s entity and proposing alternatives ofdistribution for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.To this end, we use a mathematical concept from game theory,called Power Index, which allows quantifying the existing representationaldiscrepancies. After evaluating several distributions, wesolved the Inverse Power Index Problem (IPIP) to obtain a distributionof chairs that reduces such disparities. To solve the IPIP, whichis computationally hard, we use an evolutionary heuristic. As anobjective function to minimize the discrepancy, we use the linearShapley rule, in which the power index of each state is proportionalto its population.

scholarly journals Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The One

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

Political Matrix and Political Representation: Prolegomenon to a New Departure from an Old Problem

1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Prewitt ◽  
Heinz Eulau
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Scientific Work ◽  
The Other ◽  
Past Century ◽  
City Councils ◽  
Political Units ◽  
The One ◽  
Special District

Scholars interested in theorizing about political representation in terms relevant to democratic governance in mid-twentieth century America find themselves in a quandary. We are surrounded by functioning representative institutions, or at least by institutions formally described as representative. Individuals who presumably “represent” other citizens govern some 90 thousand different political units—they sit on school and special district boards, on township and city councils, on county directorates, on state and national assemblies, and so forth. But the flourishing activity of representation has not yet been matched by a sustained effort to explain what makes the representational process tick.Despite the proliferation of representative governments over the past century,theoryabout representation has not moved much beyond the eighteenth-century formulation of Edmund Burke. Certainly most empirical research has been cast in the Burkean vocabulary. But in order to think in novel ways about representative government in the twentieth-century, we may have to admit that present conceptions guiding empirical research are obsolete. This in turn means that the spell of Burke's vocabulary over scientific work on representation must be broken.To look afresh at representation, it is necessary to be sensitive to the unresolved tension between the two main currents of contemporary thinking about representational relationships. On the one hand, representation is treated as a relationship between any one individual, the represented, and another individual, the representative—aninter-individualrelationship. On the other hand, representatives are treated as a group, brought together in the assembly, to represent the interest of the community as a whole—aninter-grouprelationship. Most theoretical formulations since Burke are cast in one or the other of these terms.

Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament

1992 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-193
Author(s):  
Kym Bird
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Feminist Theatre ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Material Feminism ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
White Womanhood

The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.

Forging Women's Substantive Representation: Intersectional Interests, Political Parity, and Pensions in Bolivia

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Ewig
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Research ◽  
A Priori ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Multiple Perspectives ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Specific Context ◽  
Pension Reforms ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Intersectionality

AbstractLacking tools to measure substantive representation, empirical research to date has determined women’s substantive representation by identifying “women’s interests” a priori, with little attention to differences across race, class, or other inequalities. To address this problem, I develop the concept of intersectional interests and a method for identifying these. Intersectional interests represent multiple perspectives and are forged through a process of political intersectionality that purposefully includes historically marginalized perspectives. These interests can be parsed into three types: expansionist, integrationist, and reconceived. Identification of intersectional interests requires, first, an inductive mapping of the differing women’s perspectives that exist in a specific context and then an examination of the political processes that lead to these new, redefined interests. I demonstrate the concept of intersectional interests and how to identify these in Bolivia, where I focus on the political process of forging reconceived intersectional interests in Bolivia’s political parity and pension reforms.

Independent Candidates and Political Representation in India

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SACHA KAPOOR ◽  
ARVIND MAGESAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Vote Share ◽  
The Political ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Independent Candidates

We estimate the causal effect of independent candidates on voter turnout and election outcomes in India. To do this, we exploit exogenous changes in the entry deposit candidates pay for their participation in the political process, changes that disproportionately excluded candidates with no affiliation to established political parties. A one standard deviation increase in the number of independent candidates increases voter turnout by more than 6 percentage points, as some voters choose to vote rather than stay home. The vote share of independent candidates increases by more than 10 percentage points, as some existing voters switch who they vote for. Thus, independents allow winning candidates to win with less vote share, decrease the probability of electing a candidate from the governing coalition by about 31 percentage points, and ultimately increase the probability of electing an ethnic-party candidate. Altogether, the results imply that the price of participation by independents is constituency representation in government.

The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Spirova ◽  
Boyka Stefanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
Challenging Tasks ◽  
The Eu

The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.

Research in the Political Process

1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Garceau
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Democratic Polity ◽  
Individual Capacity ◽  
Democratic Faith

A discipline, like an individual, may in some measure be known by the dilemmas it keeps, or more properly by the manner in which it keeps them.A central conceptual controversy, probably inescapable for political scientists because of their disciplinary heritage, is that involved in perceiving uniformities in behavior, describing recurring patterns, identifying the determinants and yet reconciling this effort and its underlying premises about the roots of behavior with the liberal, democratic faith in man's individual capacity to determine his own ends, to think rationally and to reach individual and creative decisions. On this faith rests the political structure of rights, the machinery of the democratic electorate, the party system and the values of the constitutional democratic state whose political process we are concerned to describe and analyze. Cultural anthropologists, social psychologists of many disciplinary schools, hard-boiled “realists” in political science, have recently drawn back from determinist or whole-heartedly relativist positions. Some are concerned that political science, in a fresh enthusiasm for empirical research, may become so engrossed with uniformities and determinants that it will obscure or abandon the normative commitments of a democratic polity.

scholarly journals Current Issues on the Political Representation of Middle Classes in Chile

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuelle Barozet ◽  
Vicente Espinoza
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation System ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Efficient Representation ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Critical Citizens

In this article, we analyze the impact that the evolution of the middle classes has had on political representation in Chile. Based on a description of the transformations of Chilean social structure in recent decades, we review the conceptual frameworks available on the subject, from modernization theories and the rise of new masses – particularly the one that “emerged” from poverty – to the forming of new critical citizens. We state that the heterogeneity of Chilean middle classes has challenged the discredited representation system. We observe more efficient representation channels developing for medium-high-income, educated, and consolidated sectors in contrast to new social policy demands from emerging and vulnerable sectors, focusing more on consolidating their economic status than on improving representation channels.

INTEGRATION OF THE RUSSIAN YOUTH INTO POLITICAL PROCESS: SEARCH OF CONDITIONS AND FACTORS OF EFFICIENCY

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 100-104
Author(s):  
Малик ◽  
Elena Malik
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Youth Group ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The One ◽  
New Generation

In the article the problems of formation and realization of participation of new generation of the Russian youth in political life of the society are revealed. The author shows specifics of formation of the political position of young citizens. Differentiation of valuable representations of youth group joining to political process is given. The author reasons the influence of the factors effecting political expression and self-determination of young citizens. On the one hand, the youth has the necessary potential of influence on the political sphere of state institutes, and on the other hand, it needs the support of social and political activity from state and public institutes. The importance of the conditions necessary for effective activization of participation opportunities of young citizens in the political process of the country is presented.

scholarly journals Movimiento estudiantil en Chile 2011: Causas y características

2016 ◽  
pp. 109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Cañas Kirby
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Impact

ResumenLos movimientos de protesta estudiantil en la historia de Chile del siglo XX configuran un tipo de acción colectiva que tienen como patrón común un grado específico de influencia y agregación de otros actores sociales en momentos críticos del proceso político. Este artículo pretende averiguar el impacto que tuvo en Chile el movimiento 2011 sobre las estructuras formales de poder en el sistema político. Se han levantado teorías sociales acerca de este fenómeno que refieren a formas de participación y representación política que tienden a distanciarse de los asuntos cívicos. Chile no es un caso aislado en este respecto. Para saberlo, es necesario conocer las coordenadas sobre las cuales transcurrió la cuestión social en 2011, sus precedentes y proyecciones.Palabras clave: Movimientos sociales, representación política, teoría política, historia de ChileStudent movement in Chile 2011: Causes and characteristicsAbstractThe student protest movements in the history of Chile in the Twentieth Century formed a kind of collective action having in common a specific degree of influence and aggregation of other social actors in critical moments of the political process. This article aims to determine the impact of the 2011 movement in Chile on the formal structures of power in the political system. Social theories have been raised about this phenomenon referring to forms of political participation and representation that tend to get apart from civic affairs. Chile is not an isolated case in this regard. To find out, it is necessary to know the coordinates on which the social question occurred in 2011, its precedents and projections.Keywords: Social movements, political representation, political theory, history of ChileMovimento estudantil no Chile 2011: Causas e característicasResumoOs movimentos de protesto estudantis na história do Chile século XX configuramse como uma espécie de ação coletiva que tem como padrão em comum um determinado grau de influência e agregação de outros atores sociais em momentos críticos do processo político. Este artigo pretende indagar no impacto do movimento de 2011 no Chile, sobre as estruturas formais de poder no sistema político. Têm sido levantadas teorias sociais sobre este fenómeno referindose a formas de participação e representação política que tendem adistanciarse dos assuntos cívicos. Chile não é um caso isolado a este respeito.Para conhecêlo, é preciso saber as coordenadas sobre as quais transcorreu a questão social em 2011, seus antecedentes e projeções.Palavras-chave: Movimentos sociais, representação política, teoria política, história do Chile. 

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