scholarly journals Disabilitas dalam Teologi Katolik: Dari Liberalisme ke Politik Kasih

INKLUSI ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Yohanes Wele Hayon
Keyword(s):  
Political Theology ◽  
Political Action ◽  
People With Disabilities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
Collective Movement ◽  
The Subject

This article aims to re-question the relevance of Catholic political theology on the level of acceptance of people with disabilities. The author pointed out that the dominant ideology of liberalism, which separates the religious domain from politics, makes the discussion of disability limited to issues of equality. It missed the most sublime dimensions in the subject, namely recognition. So, how the political theology based on collective movement makes this lacking out? Referring to Jesus’ political action, the author argues that political involvement should presuppose a dimension of love that embraces all particulars. It should be based on agency strategy, without being trapped in claims of morality and binary opposition logic. Furthermore, the concept of disability is understood as a universal constitutive dimension that creates limitations as well as calls to be involved. This awareness is the basis for managing collective vulnerability as fellow sinful, unfixed, lacking, and not autonomous subjects.[Artikel ini bertujuan mempertanyakan kembali relevansi teologi politik agama Katolik dalam hal penerimaan terhadap kaum difabel. Di dalam artikel ini, penulis menunjukkan bahwa dominannya ideologi liberalisme yang memisahkan domain agama dari politik menyebabkan diskusi mengenai disabilitas dari perspektif teologi politik terkunci pada kesetaraan dan tidak memerhatikan dimensi paling sublim dalam diri subjek yakni pengakuan. Mengacu pada gerakan politik Yesus, penulis berargumen bahwa keterlibatan politik hendaknya mengandaikan dimensi kasih yang merangkul semua partikular tanpa terjebak pada klaim moralitas dan logika oposisi biner. Dengan menggunakan beberapa terma kunci dari para pemikir post-marxisme, post-strukturalisme dan psikoanalisis, konsep disabilitas dipahami sebagai dimensi konstitutif universal yang menciptakan keterbatasan sekaligus panggilan untuk terlibat. Kesadaran inilah yang menjadi landasan untuk mengelola kerentanan secara kolektif sebagai sesama subjek yang ‘berdosa’, ‘unfixed’, ‘lack’, dan tidak otonom.]

scholarly journals The philosophical politics of J. F. Lyotard, or reflexive writing as a form of disengagement

2004 ◽  
pp. 9-49
Author(s):  
Mile Savic
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Public Actor ◽  
The Subject

The subject of this paper are the implications of Lyotard's critique of the intellectual as a public actor. It is shown that Lyotard's critique of politics results in a rejection of political theory, real politics and political involvement of the intellectual. In place of that, Lyotard develops his concept of "philosophical politics", i.e. "reflexive writing" as a specific form of political disengagement. The author argues that Lyotard's critique of the political involvement of the intellectual is acceptable, but that Lyotard's concept of "philosophical politics" cannot compensate for the lack of an acceptable real politics and an appropriate political theory. It can be viewed only as an individual-existential posture of resistance to the dominant political patterns which, as preconditions of its own possibility, must presuppose the existence of an acceptable real politics and appropriate political doctrine.

scholarly journals POLITICAL THEOLOGY AND THE LEGITIMATION OF CATHERINE’S COUP OF 1762: “SOLEMN EULOGY” OF KONSTANTIN (BORKOVSKIY)

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-25
Author(s):  
K. D. Bugrov
Keyword(s):  
Political Theology ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Sermons

The paper analyzes the role of political theology of Russian 18th century in the legitimation ideology of Catherine II aimed at justification of the palace coup of 1762. The subject of analysis is the sermon delivered by Konstantin (Borkovskiy) in Moscow on July 10th, 1762, and dedicated to explanation of the events of the coup. The author shows that Konstantin’s sermon deploys two main systems of argumentation: providential appeal to the history understood as uncovering of God’s plan for Russia (Augustinism), and the cult of monarch supported by the historical and Biblical comparisons and the direct glorification of monarch’s specific qualities. These parameters of Konstantin’s sermon could be compared with the earlier block of political sermons of Elizabeth’s age and the other texts which were justifying the coup (official manifestoes, poetical panegyrics). Such comparison allows author to conclude that Augustinism, being an intellectual tool to justify the fall of the monarch, was an unchangeable element of the legitimation ideology of the age, while the glorification of the monarch, being a tool to explain the enthronement of a particular person, was acquiring its ideological content depending on the circumstances. And even though the legitimation strategy of the 1762 coup included secular ideological systems (for instance, natural and Roman law, anti-absolutist rhetoric), the political theology remained pivotal element of Catherine’s legitimation ideology.

Peter Martyr Vermigli’s Political Theology and the Elizabethan Church

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torrance Kirby
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Old Testament ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject

This chapter discusses the theological affinity between the Elizabethan church and Peter Martyr Vermigli, the Italian reformer who spent his later career in Zurich. Vermigli’s thought did not simply migrate from the continent to England. The discussion notes that Vermigli’s English experience as an exile was formative for the development of his political theology and that the English monarchy left an imprint on his subsequent Old Testament commentaries on the subject of kingship. Scottish Covenanters and English puritans in the early seventeenth century nonetheless continued to find the work of Zurich reformers useful for refuting episcopacy. If the political theology of Vermigli was agreeable to the Elizabethan church, conformists associated Calvinism with political sedition on the grounds that reformation in Geneva was born out of revolution.

Talmudic Self-Refutation (Interpersonality I)

Other Others ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Sergey Dolgopolski
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Individual Subject ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Subject

The chapter works through the emerging and disappearing notion of the political in the Talmud, with the notion and practice of refuting, and the underlying notion of interpersonality rather than intersubjectivity at the center. The analysis in the chapter advances through a case study of a particular notion of refuting in the Talmud, the notion of self-refuting or proving that an argument of one’s conversant is refuting itself. The chapter argues how neither political theology of Schmitt nor political ontology of Rancière suffice to account for interpersonal political relationships in self-refuting. In that venue, the notion of interpersonality emerges as essential for articulating the Talmudic political. That notion emerges by contrast with the intersubjectivity as the foundation of thinking the political in the modern political theory, implying as it does a fundamental loneliness of the subject, both of an individual subject and of a nation as a subject, as well.

Justus Lipsius and the Post-Machiavellian Prince

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Brooke
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
Philosophical Dialogue ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Common ◽  
Political Thinker

This chapter studies the political thought of Justus Lipsius, a moral and political thinker as well as the author of the two-volume philosophical dialogue De constantia (1583) and the six-volume Politica (1589). The chapter explores the scholarship surrounding Lipsius and the historical significance of his works and investigates his connections to Neostoicism. It then embarks on a discussion of the connection between Lipsius's political thought and that of Machiavelli, particularly as revealed in the latter's The Prince (1532). The chapter argues that Machiavelli and Lipsius disagree on the ends of political action: Lipsius's prince aims at serving the common good, understood in terms of the security and welfare of the subject population; Machiavelli's prince acts to secure his own glory.

scholarly journals Insurrection of singularities. A conceptualization of (anti)political action in postanarchism

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-34
Author(s):  
Dmitry B. Polyakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Libertarian Theory

The article reveals the political and philosophical core of contemporary anarchist thought using the example of such its theoretical variation as postanarchism. Seamlessly engaging into the current left-wing radical discursive context, postanarchism at the same time reflects the micro-political, localist and largely spontaneous tendencies that characterize today’s forms of political protest and resistance in many countries of the world. Having arisen as a reaction to the crisis of legitimacy of political and economic institutions, these tendencies lead to a rethinking of standard political categories by modern philosophy: “class”, “revolution”, “democracy”, “sovereignty”, “political”, etc. The postanarchist perspective, revealing distinctly anarchic features in current forms of radical politics (decentralization, network character, distrust of official institutions), also offers its own reinterpretation of a series of concepts on purpose of radicalizing and updating libertarian theory. In particular, this article focuses on the logic of differentiating the concepts of revolution and insurrec­tion, which is carried out by the leading theorist of postanarchism S. Newman, who starts from the philosophical individualism of M. Stirner and also proceeds from the crisis of metanarratives proclaimed by the postmodern. Furthermore, within the framework of an at­tempt to define a new political subject, that is common to Western left thought, Newman develops the concept of singularity in a number of his texts, actively using the philosophical studies of some continental thinkers. Finally, in terms of postanarchism, the conceptualiza­tion of political action and the subject of this action through the concepts of rebellion and singularity not only contributes to the clarification and revitalization of anarchist discourse but is itself a subversive gesture that destabilizes the normative political language.

Political Participation and Religion: An Overview

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob R. Neiheisel
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Public Square ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
Religiously Based

Shaped by Marxist understandings of religion as a source of comfort, but not action, numerous scholars have explored whether various aspects of religion can be linked to participatory acts, either in politics or in civic life more generally. Decades of social scientific research on the subject offer no simple lessons regarding the relationship between religion and participation. Some elements or aspects of religion have been demonstrated to drive down levels of civic and political engagement. Although the whole picture is much more complicated, it is accurate to say that private devotionalism and other facets of religious belief that emphasize individual spirituality and a relationship with the divine over taking steps to improve conditions on Earth are going to promote detachment from the civic realm. By contrast, collective aspects of religious belief and practice often track with greater levels of political participation. These collective elements include the creation of religiously based social networks, as well as opportunities to practice civic skills and receive entreaties to political action. At a different level of analysis, government action on such moral issues as abortion and same-sex marriage has served as a spur to the political involvement of religious interests, whereas government regulation of religion has been shown to deter participation in the civic arena by religious organizations and groups. Taken together, the literature on religion and participation suggests that religion can serve as both a spur to civic and political engagement and as a suppressant, depending both on an individual’s approach to his or her faith and on the institutional dynamics that impinge on the political involvement of religious interests in the public square more generally.

Badiou After Meillassoux: The Politics of the Problem of Induction

2021 ◽  
pp. 185-203
Author(s):  
Nathan Brown
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Problem Of Induction ◽  
Alain Badiou ◽  
Pragmatic Theory ◽  
The Past ◽  
Capacity To Act ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject

Chapter 8 reads Quentin Meillassoux’s revival of the problem of induction back into the work of his mentor, Alain Badiou. I argue that Badiou’s theory of the event and of truth procedures can be understood in terms of the aporetic relation of the past to the future theorized by Hume’s famous critique of the grounds of inductive judgment. While Hume overcomes his sceptical doubts through a pragmatic theory of habit (rather than a theory of rationally or empirically grounded knowledge of cause and effect), Badiou’s theory of the subject depends upon a capacity to act within the default of habit: in situations where the genesis of habits in the past is inadequate to the construction of the future in the present. Exemplifying this approach to political action through the political sequence of Occupy Oakland (2011–2012), the chapter develops an account of the political relay between theory and practice.

Drug Use and Affective Politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 331-349
Author(s):  
Filip Roumeliotis
Keyword(s):  
Drug Use ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Drug Users ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Emotional ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Central Nervous System ◽  
The Subject

This article examines how a Swedish program for social emotional learning establishes a relationship between the subject and emotions and the political implications of this relationship. This includes an examination of how emotions fit with notions of “evidence-based policy” in the field of drug policy. The key questions are: (1) How are emotions constituted in programs of social emotional training (SET)? (2) How is the subject and its relationship to emotions and social norms constituted in this program? (3) What are the political implications of the relationship between the subject and emotions? The article shows that the SET program seeks to instill in the subject the ability to identify and control emotions in order to become an emotionally mature subject. The program establishes a neurodisciplinary regime where the subject is to “rewire” its synaptic links through repetition, decoupling emotions from their cultural context. Emotions are thus reified as internal entities arising from the central nervous system. The SET program constructs a social bond that demands adherence to specific social norms governing democratic participation. The subject is expected to control its emotions and engage in cooperation, negotiation, and conflict resolution within a model of democratic communication. Refusal or inability to adhere to the norms implicit in this model of communication risks relegating the subject to the sphere of the irrational, thereby disqualifying certain practices and responses from the sphere of the political. This is what happens to drug users, as drug use is constructed as an expression of irrationality. The SET program also pacifies individuals politically by turning issues such as drug use, unemployment, and education into matters of acquiring skills rather than political action.

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