scholarly journals Identity Politics and the Politics of Learning

Author(s):  
Elaine Correa ◽  
Doris Hall

How can faculty assist and equip students to become more “critical consumers” of the information they receive in a culture and climate of alternative facts and multiple truths? With increasing differences in political views informing “truth perspectives,” the shift in what is quickly becoming normalized as a form of appropriate discourse has fostered a culture of entitlement that lends support to voicing critique without critical inquiry. In this article, we examine the multiple and intersecting systems of power and privilege. The recognition of contradictory subjective locations occupied by all the participants in the classroom, including the instructor, are discussed. As practitioners seeking more effective forms of dialogue and engagement, we challenge conventional hegemonic discourses of difference and stereotypical representations within learning by questioning identity politics within the politics of learning and by examining the clashes between discourse and policy in the university classroom.

2018 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Detwiler ◽  
Trudi Jacobson ◽  
Kelsey O’Brien

If you’d walked by Professor Susan Detwiler’s Writing and Critical Inquiry (WCI) classrooms at the University at Albany-SUNY on September 7, you would have seen something rather unusual: two teams of students huddled around tables, preoccupied with locked boxes and an assortment of other materials. Engaged in animated, yet hushed, conversations to keep the other team from overhearing, the students puzzled over cryptic messages and secret codes, hoping to unlock the box and reveal what was inside. Some of the materials on the table provided clues, others turned out to be red herrings.


Prospects ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigmund Diamond

Documents in the Yale University archives - the papers of the presidents, deans, provosts, secretary of the university - show that Yale was no more insulated from the hot and cold of post-World War II politics than any other university. During the decade of 1945–55, the Yale authorities felt considerable pressure to take action concerning several appointees whose political views had been questioned by alumni, and most certainly by others as well. The New Haven Office of the FBI - and through it the national headquarters in Washington, D.C. - had been in close touch with university officials for some time and, during the last years of the regime of President Charles Seymour, knew of what it described as the Yale policy of inquiring into the political activities of faculty members prior to their appointment. As the Special Agent in Charge of the New Haven Office reported to J. Edgar Hoover on June 6, 1949, “The position of Yale University is apparently swinging around to the point… that it is much better to look men over and know exactly what they are before they are appointed, and that it is much easier to get rid of them by not appointing them than after they have been once appointed.”


2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-149
Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas

In this paper, I reflect on my experiences of teaching sociology of Islam atan elite British university: the University of Birmingham. As a trained economistwith postgraduate degrees in social science and sociology and as a formerWhitehall civil servant, my foray into the world of Islamic studies hasonly been recent. Indeed, it was the events relating to British Muslimminorities between 1999 and 2001 (namely, the arrests, trial, and sentencingin relation to the mostly Birmingham-born “Seven in Yemen” in 1999; the9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC; and the urban disturbancesin northern England 2001) that propelled me to interact with this vast andrich field of learning and scholarship. These three events compounded mattersin relation to identity politics, Islamism, and international political economy.Having already researched and written on matters related to educationand class,1 entrepreneurship and culture,2 and Islamophobia and the printnews,3 my new focus on Muslim minority issues stemmed precisely frommy existing interests in ethnicity, culture, and multiculturalism.4Upon joining the University of Birmingham in 2003, I spent my first twoyears concentrating on teaching a specialized course, “Ethnic Relations inBritain,” to finalists. In 2005, I began to teach a new course, “Islam, Multiculturalism,and the State” to finalists. In this article, I discuss the resultinginsight into teaching to a largely non-Muslim audience issues relating toIslam and Muslim minorities ...


Author(s):  
Joanna Złotkiewicz -Kłębukowska

AbstractThe first attempts to obtain support for Poland from the British public opinion were related to the period of the First World War. It was when the Polish politicians in London, representing various political views started more effective propaganda actions. After the war, the obligation to promote knowledge about Poland was assumed by the Polish diplomatic missions. Thanks to great effort of Polish diplomats, their personal commitment, fresher initiatives appeared, targeted to remove ignorance concerning Polish affairs, as well as history, culture and science. For this purpose, they organised lectures and readings for the Polish professors in Great Britain. The Polish students were also supported in their activities related to Polish cultural propaganda, however there were not many of them. It was considered that cooperation with the British students, organisations and associations was more important. The creation of Polish language courses for English students at the University of Nottingham and the University of Birmingham was a great success. However, all those activities were limited by financial problems as the well as lack of the Polish Foreign Ministry understanding.


Author(s):  
Jason Maxwell

The previous chapter’s analysis of the Burke-Jameson debate illuminated two different understandings of political and social organization. This chapter extends that analysis by showing these two models at work within the discipline of English over the last several decades. Indeed, the relationship between these two competing models can be productively examined in contemporary English Studies where literary theory, identity politics, democratic practices, and a decentered social organization all collide. More specifically, the chapter traces the emergence of the “archival turn” within English studies, doing so by examining the broad reception of Foucault’s work within English in both literary and rhetorical studies. The chapter illustrates how much of Foucault’s work was appropriated by a progressive political movement that soon found its own ideas appropriated elsewhere in the university.


1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darlene M. Juschka

In the 1960s "identity" played a significant role in the creation and formation of several university departments, for example, African-American Studies, Women's Studies and Religious Studies. In the 1990s the category of "identity" and the politics surrounding it have proven to be limiting factors in the maintenance and even survival of these same departments. This article analyzes the implications of identity politics for Religious Studies and considers the possibilities for the survival of Religious Studies under the conditions of late capitalism.


1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 135-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Everett Carll Ladd ◽  
Seymour Martin Lipset

At the heart of the debates which have resounded around political science these past few years are charges and countercharges as to the “politics” of the contenders. Terms likeconservative, liberalandradical areno longer reserved for analysis of positions in the larger society; they have become part of the regular vocabulary with which political scientists evaluate their colleagues. This increase in visible and self-conscious political dissensus extends, of course, throughout the university, but it has left a special mark on political science and the other social sciences where the issues and objects of political disagreement are so enmeshed with the regular subject matter of the discipline.In spite of all of the discussion, and the now seemingly general recognition that the politics of members of the profession has a lot to do with its development and contributions, we still don't have very much firm information on the distribution of political views among the approximately 6,000 faculty members regularly engaged in the teaching of political science in the United States. There have been a number of studies, of course, of party identification and voting behavior, showing political science to be one of the most Democratic fields in academe.


Author(s):  
Michael Crawford

Peter Astbury Brunt (1917–2005), a Fellow of the British Academy, served in the Ministry of Shipping (later War Transport), alongside his undergraduate contemporary and friend, Basil Dickinson. After his release from the Ministry, he took up at the beginning of 1946 a Senior Demyship at Magdalen College, to which he had been elected the previous autumn, and the Craven Fellowship that had been awarded to him in 1939, choosing as a topic for research the relations between governed and governors in the Roman Empire, and set off for the British School at Rome. It was Roman Stoicism that claimed more and more of Brunt's attention. He was happy to admit the influence on his thinking of Geoffrey de Ste Croix, despite the differences in their political views. One of the themes that occupied Brunt during the period from 1951 to 1968 was that of ancient slavery. During his seventeen years in the University of Oxford, he undertook major administrative tasks both for his college and for the university.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-85
Author(s):  
Peter Geschiere

AbstractInspired by Mbembe’s emphasis on plasticity as a hallmark of African forms of knowledge, Geschiere notes the risk that this leads to a celebration of Africanness, sliding into culturalism and identity politics. But Mbembe relates this plasticity also to the continent’s position as the last frontier of capitalism. Such a historical view converges with Joseph Tonda’s work on éblouissement (endazzlement) as a global phenomenon. Everywhere people are now being blinded by an overproduction of images. However, Africans have a long experience of living with multiple realities and “alternative facts.” Is this relevant for dealing with the risk that we all become blinded by the images we ourselves have created?


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