scholarly journals Subsidized housing and school segregation: Examining the relationship between federally subsidized affordable housing and racial and economic isolation in schools

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Jennifer Jellison Holme ◽  
Erica Frankenberg ◽  
Joanna Sanchez ◽  
Kendra Taylor ◽  
Sarah De La Garza ◽  
...  

Each year, the federal government provides billions of dollars in support for low-income families in their acquisition of housing. In this analysis, we examine how several of these subsidized housing programs, public housing and Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) financed housing, relate to patterns of school segregation for children. We use GIS to examine the location of subsidized housing vis-à-vis district boundaries and school attendance boundaries in four Texas counties. We then examine patterns of segregation between schools with and without subsidized housing in their attendance zones, as well as the extent of economic and racial isolation experienced by students in those schools. Our results illustrate that public housing and LIHTC housing developments are zoned to racially and economically isolated schools, and that developments are associated with especially high levels of economic and racial isolation for Black and Latinx students. We conclude by discussing implications for housing and education policy to ameliorate these patterns. 

Author(s):  
Michael Lens

The Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) Program is the largest housing subsidy program in the United States, serving over 2.2 million households. Through the program, local public housing authorities (PHAs) provide funds to landlords on behalf of participating households, covering a portion of the household’s rent. Given the reliance on the private market, there are typically many more locational options for HCV households than for traditional public housing, which has a set (and declining) number of units and locations. The growth of this program has been robust in recent decades, adding nearly 1 million vouchers in the last 25 years. This has been a deliberate attempt to move away from the traditional public housing model toward one that emphasizes choice and a diversity of location outcomes through the HCV program. There are many reasons for these policy and programmatic shifts, but one is undoubtedly the high crime rates that came to be the norm in and near far too many public housing developments. During the mid-20th century, when the vast majority of public housing units were created, they were frequently sited in undesirable areas that offered few amenities and contained high proportions of low-income and minority households. As poverty further concentrated in central cities due to the flight of higher-income (often white) households to the suburbs, many public housing developments became increasingly dangerous places to live. The physical design of public housing developments was also frequently problematic, with entire city blocks being taken up by large high-rises set back from the street, standing out as areas to avoid within their neighborhoods. There are many quantitative summaries and anecdotal descriptions of the crime and violence present in some public housing developments from sources as diverse as journalists, housing researchers, and architects. Now that the shift to housing vouchers (and the low-income housing tax credit [LIHTC]) has been underway for over two decades, we have a good understanding of how effective these changes have been in reducing exposure to crime for subsidized households. Further, we are beginning to better understand the limitations of these efforts and why households are often unsuccessful in moving from high-crime areas. In studies of moving housing voucher households away from crime, the following questions are of particular interest: What is the connection between subsidized housing and crime? What mechanisms of the housing voucher program work to allow households to live in lower-crime neighborhoods than public housing? And finally, how successful has this program been in reducing participant exposure to crime, and how do we explain some of the limitations? While many aspects of the relationship between subsidized housing and crime are not well understood, existing research provides several important insights. First, we can conclude that traditional public housing—particularly large public housing developments—often concentrated crime to dangerously high levels. Second, we know that public housing residents commonly expressed great concern over the presence of crime and drugs in their communities, and this was a frequent motivation for participating in early studies of housing mobility programs such as Gautreaux in Chicago and the Moving to Opportunity experiment. Third, while the typical housing voucher household lives in a lower-crime environment than public housing households, they still live in relatively high-crime neighborhoods, and there is substantial research on the limited nature of moves using vouchers. Finally, while there is research on whether voucher households cause crime in the aggregate, the outcomes are rather ambiguous—some rigorous studies have found that clusters of voucher households increase neighborhood crime and some have found there is no effect. Furthermore, any potential effects on neighborhood crime by vouchers need to be weighed against their effectiveness at reducing exposure to neighborhood crime among subsidized households.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-314
Author(s):  
Daniel Brisson

The issue of poverty is exacerbated by the concentration of low-income families in neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage. Public administrators in housing and social services are uniquely situated to address poverty and concentrated disadvantage through an explicit housing with services agenda. This article provides a theoretical and empirical review of issues associated with poverty and concentrated disadvantage from the perspective of subsidized housing provision. The review leads to the recommendation that administrators provide housing with services. The article finishes with an agenda for placing standardized assessments that are connected to evidence-based services within the delivery of public housing.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107808742110326
Author(s):  
Noli Brazil ◽  
Amanda Portier

Place-based policies commonly target disadvantaged neighborhoods for economic improvement, typically in the form of job opportunities, business development or affordable housing. To ensure that investment is channeled to truly distressed areas, place-based programs narrow the pool of eligible neighborhoods based on a set of socioeconomic criteria. The criteria, however, may not be targeting the places most in need. In this study, we examine the relationship between neighborhood gentrification status and 2018 eligibility for the New Markets Tax Credits, Opportunity Zones, Low Income Housing Tax Credits, and the Community Development Financial Institutions Program. We find that large percentages of gentrifying neighborhoods are eligible for each of the four programs, with many neighborhoods eligible for multiple programs. The Opportunity Zone program stands out, with the probability of eligibility nearly twice as high for gentrifying tracts than not-gentrifying tracts. We also found that the probability of eligibility increases with a greater percentage of adjacent neighborhoods experiencing gentrification.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-482
Author(s):  
George W. Zuo

I present evidence on the relationship between broadband pricing and labor market outcomes for low-income individuals. Specifically, I estimate the effects of a Comcast service providing discounted broadband to qualifying low-income families. I use a triple differences strategy exploiting geographic variation in Comcast coverage, individual variation in eligibility, and temporal variation pre- and postlaunch. Local program availability increased employment rates and earnings of eligible individuals, driven by greater labor force participation and decreased probability of unemployment. Internet use increased substantially where the program was available. (JEL I32, J22, J31, L82, L86)


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiayun Yin ◽  
Dongfang Wang ◽  
Zhihua Li ◽  
Yuesheng Huang

This longitudinal study investigated the role of psychological difficulties and self-efficacy in the relationship between family cumulative risk and hope among children from low-income families. The participants were 392 Chinese children from low-income families; the study extended for 2 years, and participants completed data that were collected with the following questionnaires: the Family Cumulative Risk Index, Children's Hope Scale, Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire-Difficulties subscale, and General Self-efficacy Scale. The results demonstrated that psychological difficulties played a mediating role in the relationship between family cumulative risk and hope; specifically, family cumulative risk predicted hope of children via psychological difficulties. Self-efficacy moderated the relationship between psychological difficulties and hope. This moderation supported “a drop in the ocean effect”; the protective effect of high self-efficacy worked only when psychological difficulties were at low levels. When psychological difficulties were at high levels, the buffering effect of self-efficacy on family cumulative risk was gradually weakened and eventually lost.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey P. Thompson ◽  
Elias Leight

Abstract This paper uses US state panel data to explore the relationship between the share of income received by affluent households and the level of income and earnings received by low and middle-income families. A rising top share of income can potentially lead to increases in the incomes of low and middle-income families if economic growth is sufficiently responsive to increases in inequality. A substantial literature on the impacts of inequality on economic growth exists, but has failed to achieve consensus, with various studies finding positive impacts, negative impacts, and no impacts on growth from increased levels of income inequality. This paper departs from that literature by exploring the effect of inequality on the standard of living of middle-income and low-income families. In the context of rising inequality, increased overall growth is not necessarily a suitable proxy for overall standard of living, since growth patterns are not uniform for the entire income distribution. The results of this study indicate that increases in the top share of income (particularly the top one percent) are associated with declines in the actual incomes (and earnings) of middle income families, but have no clear impact on families at the bottom of the income distribution.


Author(s):  
Alex Schwartz

Public housing and rental vouchers constitute two distinct forms of housing subsidy in the United States. Public housing, the nation’s oldest housing program for low-income renters provides affordable housing to about 1.2 million households in developments ranging in size from a single unit to multibuilding complexes with hundreds of apartments. The Housing Choice Voucher Program, founded more than 35 years after the start of public housing is now the nation’s largest rental subsidy program. It enables around 2 million low-income households to rent privately owned housing anywhere in the country. Although both programs provide low-income households with “deep” subsidies that ensure they spend no more than 30 percent of their adjusted income on rent, and both are operated by local public housing authorities, they offer distinct advantages and disadvantages. This chapter reviews and compares the two programs, examining their design, evolution, and strengths and weaknesses, including issues of racial segregation and concentrated poverty.


Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (11) ◽  
pp. 2432-2447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ravit Hananel

Over the past decade, in the wake of the global housing crisis, many countries have again turned to public housing to increase the supply of affordable housing for disadvantaged residents. Because the literature and past experience have generally shown public-housing policies to be contrary to the urban-diversity approach, many countries are reshaping their policies and focusing on a mix of people and of land uses. In this context, the Israeli case is particularly interesting. In Israel, as in many other countries (such as Germany and England), there was greater urban diversity in public-housing construction during the 1950s and 1960s (following the state’s establishment in 1948). However, at the beginning of the new millennium, when many countries began to realise the need for change and started reshaping their public-housing policies in light of the urban-diversity approach, Israel responded differently. In this study I use urban diversity’s main principles – the mix of population and land uses – to examine the trajectory of public-housing policy in Israel from a central housing policy to a marginal one. The findings and the lessons derived from the Israeli case are relevant to a variety of current affordable-housing developments in many places.


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