scholarly journals What constitutes a majority in Curaçao Government? An analysis of the results of Curaçao’s March 2021 elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Miguel Goede ◽  
Everardus van de Meent

The objective of this case study is to examine the current electoral system of Curaçao to ascertain whether it provides adequate representation of its constituents. The current system is imbalanced because it favors the larger political parties disproportionally, which leads to a distortion of the will of the voter. The results from the most recent election held in March 2021 were compiled and examined. An alternative system was considered to gain insight into the detrimental effects of the current system. An evaluation of the current system employed to allocate seats after the election were found to be inequitable, suggesting that measures should be taken to enhance the legitimacy of the system by better reflecting the will of the voters. Given that it has been decades since the system was examined, this research provides an updated foundation for considering alternative allocation procedures that would be more consistent with a healthy representative democracy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


Author(s):  
Christopher Mudaliar

This chapter focuses on the role that constitutions play in national identity, particularly in states that are recently independent and constrained by a colonial legacy. It uses Fiji as a case study, exploring how British colonialism influenced conceptions of Fijian national identity in the constitutional texts of 1970, 1990 and 1997. The chapter explores the indigenous ethno-nationalist ideals that underpinned these constitutions, which led to the privileging of indigenous Fijian identity within the wider national identity. However, in 2013, Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama introduced a new constitution which shifted away from previous ethno-nationalist underpinnings towards a more inclusive national identity through the promotion of a civic nationalist agenda. In doing so, Bainimarama’s goal of reducing ethnic conflict has seen a constitutional re-imagining of Fijian identity, which includes the introduction of new national symbols, and a new electoral system, alongside equal citizenry clauses within the Constitution. This study offers a unique insight into power and identity within post-colonial island states.


Author(s):  
Katharine Dommett ◽  
Luke Temple ◽  
Patrick Seyd

Abstract Over recent decades, scholars have explored political parties’ adoption of digital technology. Tracing successive eras of change, scholarship has examined the degree to which digital disrupts or embeds traditional power structures—with many studies finding evidence of ‘controlled-interactivity’. In this article, we revisit debates around the adoption of digital tools from a bottom-up perspective. Moving beyond attempts to categorise elite strategies for digital adoption, we consider practices on the ground to document how, in practice, digital technology is being taken up and used. Using a case study of the UK Labour Party, we categorise a range of different practices, highlighting and theorising the presence of digital adherents, laggards, entrepreneurs, renegades and refuseniks. Discussing the drivers of these practices, we offer new insight into variations in digital adoption and consider the significance of these trends for our understanding of party organisation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 828
Author(s):  
Oly Viana Agustine

Subjectum litis in The Legislative and Regional Head Election Disputes in Indonesia has been determined in a limited manner in The legislation and The regulation of the Constitutional Court. However along with the election, there is expansion and constriction of subjectum litis. The purpose of this study was to investigate the determinant factors that cause flexibility of subjectum litis in legislative and regional head election dispute. In addition, no previous studies that examine factors associated with the causes flexibility of subjectum litis in the legislative and the regional headselestion.The method used in this research is using qualitative methods with normative juridical approach by collecting data and information of the legislative and head regional election dispute advance in literature. The results obtained in this study that the shift in legislative elections expanded not only to political parties and individuals DPD that can be subjectum litis but also those of individual candidates of political parties can be subjectum litis in the legislative election disputes. The factor that caused it is the choice of electoral system is still used to 2014 electoral system. Meanwhile, the Regional Head election disputes in general as subjectum litis are that couple candidates for Governor and Vice Governor, Regent and Vice Regent and the Mayor and Deputy Mayor. But in its development, the narrowing of the only candidates who met the threshold difference of votes that can act as an applicant. Besides narrowing, there is also an extension where Consitutional court accommodate domestic election observers were registered and accredited by the KPU / KIP can act as subjectum litis and as the applicant would be candidates in the General Election of 2010. Factors that cause the narrowing and expansion in the elections of regional heads are the will of lawmakers and the limited authority of the Consitutional court as well as the presence of a single candidate who is not predictable by lawmakers in drafting electoral laws regional head. Whereas in 2010, the expansion of subjectum litis because the Court did extensive interpretation caused by serious violations of the right to be elected (rights to be a candidate). Suggestions for lawmakers tobe more thoroughly formulate norms by looking at the existing state of society so it can bring justice and legal certainty both for the expectant couple and society.


Napredak ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-126
Author(s):  
Zoran Čupić

After more than three decades of primarily economic expansion, the European Union has entered a much more sensitive phase of its development. It has set off on "a road less travelled" concerning these forms of supranational organization - political integration. The result is in every sense a unique and extraordinary creation, albeit unfinished, unprecedented in the history of international relations, particularly in the area of supranational integration. That is why one of the key issues requiring explanation is whether the functioning of the European Union is really based on representative democracy, and, in this context, whether political parties, as its chief exponent in nation-states, contribute to "the formation of European political awareness and the expression of the will of citizens of the Union" at the European level. If we take into account the existing constitutional order of the European Union and the place of Europarties in it - their role, formal, legal and procedural framework of action not yet clearly defined - it is obvious that they are not able to contribute to "the formation of European political awareness and the expression of the political will of the Union citizens".


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Kingsley E. Okoye ◽  
Chikwado Ezugwuorie ◽  
Francisca Onah

Literature on election is mostly anchored on how the voting exercise was carried out successfully or rigged in favour of one candidate over another. These scholars were only interested in analyzing the outcome of election with little or no effort to understand why electorates who cast their votes during election do not choose their leaders. While we acknowledged that vote buying, snatching of ballot boxes, intimidation, and different pattern of malpractices among others contributed to these, we equally noted that scholars have not really tried to find out why the electoral system in Nigeria could not allow candidates that would not only attract massive support but become irresistible during and after election. Therefore, what is often witnessed among presidential flag bearers in Nigeria are candidates who the electorates knew would not make significant impact if elected. As a result, make them (electorates) see voting during election as a routine exercise that must be fulfilled without enthusiasm or eagerness in carrying out such obligation. Election in this situation becomes so difficult that whoever is elected is not actually chosen by the electorates but is allowed to keep the country on track. These political parties are only interested on the radical nature of candidates who can withstand the campaign strategies leaving other areas like understanding - the political terrain of the country and having the will power to transform society against other odds. Until this issue is properly addressed and handled in the political system, voting in election will remain a mere process of choosing leaders that will neither attract peoples mandate nor sustain the democratic structures


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Riki Rahmad ◽  
Asrinaldi Asrinaldi ◽  
Indraddin Indraddin

This study aims to analyze the factors inhibiting the implementation policy of the Campaign Props (APK) in Bukittinggi City. APK in the form of banners and billboards in the 2019 election campaign, many APKs that have been facilitated by the Election Commition  (KPU) are not installed in the designated zones and there are even election participants who do not utilize this APKs facilitation, even though the state funds used for this Facilities are quite large. This study uses descriptive qualitative research with a case study approach, data collection procedures in the form of interviews, observation and documentation. The theory used is the corten implementation model in which this Mode is based on the compatibility between the three elements that is program, implementation, and target group.  The results showed that election participants did not utilize the APK facility caused by (1) KPU rules regarding the size, design, and content of APKs are not in accordance with the perception of the election participants' persuasion needs (2) Political parties avoid conflicts with candidates considering that the APK content does not accommodate candidates photos (3) costs for installing and maintaining APKs are none from election participants. Judging from its effectiveness APK's facilitation policy in the 2019 elections in Bukittinggi City has not reached its goal. Inconsistency with the open proportional electoral system with the APK facilitation policy has several impacts in the campaign process, among others 1) competition between candidates in campaigning becomes uncompetitive  2) most APK facilitation held by KPU is largely unused


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
M. Nur Rofiq Addiansyah

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper will discuss about how coalition forms are carried out by political parties, especially islamic political parties. What is the coalition process, what are the motives of the coalition, and how the formation of the coalition formed will be discussed in this paper. During the Presidential and Vice President Elections in 2019, there were two candidate pairs competing, namely the Ir.Joko Widodo-KH.Maruf Amin and the couple Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno.</p><p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper uses a qualitative method with the type of case study. The electoral realm of the 2019 Presidential Elections became the empirical space discussed. The 2019 presidential election was supported by a large coalition of Jokowi-Maruf supporters and Prabowo-Sandi suppoters. These two pairs of candidates are supported by political parties based on the Islamic and nationally voters. From this 2019 Presidential Election, we can see the ideological movements of political parties in Indonesia. <em>First</em>, political parties are still oriented towards victory rather than ideology and policy. <em>Second</em>, the ideology of political parties is increasingly blurred. <em>Third</em>, the influence of the electoral system which led to the escape of the ideology of political parties.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Gill ◽  
Naomi Creutzfeldt

This article examines the phenomenon of the ‘ombuds watchers’. These are groups of dissatisfied users of public service ombuds schemes who engage in legal protest against the current system of redress for citizen-state complaints. Through the lens of legal consciousness scholarship we propose a framework that conceptualizes the collectivized protest of the ombuds watchers. Based on an empirical dataset, our analysis shows that the ombuds watchers meet each of the defining characteristics of dissenting collectivism and demonstrates the existence of forms of legal consciousness which present ‘opportunities to build alternative imaginaries and institutions’. Our case study provides an insight into the potential for dissenting collectives to challenge the hegemonic structures of state law, while at the same time emphasising the continuing power of legal ideology in shaping popular understandings of justice. The article also suggests a pathway for future empirical research into user experiences of justice systems.


Romanticism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
Ruth Knezevich

The genre of annotated verse represents an under-explored form of transporting romanticism. In annotated, locodescriptive poems like those in Anna Seward's Llangollen Vale, readers are invited to read not only the spatiality of the landscapes depicted in the verse but also the landscape of the page itself. Seward's poems, with their focus on understanding geographical, political, and historical spaces both real and imaginary, provide geocritical insight into poetic productions of the early Romantic era. Likewise, geocriticism offers a fresh and useful – even necessary – analytic approach to such poems. I adopt Anna Seward as a case study in annotated verse and argue that attending to the materiality and paratextuality of her work allows us to access the complexities of her poetry and prose as well as her position within the wider framework of transporting Romanticism.


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