scholarly journals Koalisi Partai Politik Islam Pada PILPRES 2019: Antara Ideologis dan Pragmatis

POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
M. Nur Rofiq Addiansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper will discuss about how coalition forms are carried out by political parties, especially islamic political parties. What is the coalition process, what are the motives of the coalition, and how the formation of the coalition formed will be discussed in this paper. During the Presidential and Vice President Elections in 2019, there were two candidate pairs competing, namely the Ir.Joko Widodo-KH.Maruf Amin and the couple Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno.</p><p class="06IsiAbstrak">This paper uses a qualitative method with the type of case study. The electoral realm of the 2019 Presidential Elections became the empirical space discussed. The 2019 presidential election was supported by a large coalition of Jokowi-Maruf supporters and Prabowo-Sandi suppoters. These two pairs of candidates are supported by political parties based on the Islamic and nationally voters. From this 2019 Presidential Election, we can see the ideological movements of political parties in Indonesia. <em>First</em>, political parties are still oriented towards victory rather than ideology and policy. <em>Second</em>, the ideology of political parties is increasingly blurred. <em>Third</em>, the influence of the electoral system which led to the escape of the ideology of political parties.</p>

2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

scholarly journals PERAN KPU DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK MASYARAKAT DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN 2014 DI KOTA MALANG

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hidayansyah ◽  
Trisakti Handayani ◽  
M Syahri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Descriptive Study ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Favorable Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Decisions

ABSTRAKPemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan acara lima tahun sekali yang dilaksanakan di Indonesia, kegiatan ini sebagai wahana menyalurkan segala aspirasi masyarakat terutama dalam mempengaruhi keputusan politik, dan Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran dan partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2014 di Kota Malang, selain itu untuk mengetahui peran KPU Kota Malang dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014, dan untuk menjelaskan faktor pendukung dan penghambat partisipasi masyarakat dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014.Penelitian ini menggunakan Model penelitian deskriptif, yaitu suatu model penelitian dengan mencatat, mendeskripsikan dan menginterpratasikan peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihan umum prseiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang, dan penelitian ini menggunakan tiga teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, diperoleh hasil bahwa peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihn umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang sangat besar. Artinya ini sesuai dengan realita dan fakta yang terjadi di lapangan, bahwa tahun 2014 partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang sangat meningkat. Hal ini didukung oleh hasil wawancara dan observasi kepada pememrintahan Kota Malang, Partai Politik dan Masyarakat Kota Malang, selain itu hal yang paling mendukung adalah hasil perthitungan suara di Kota Malang, menunjukan sebanyak 70% masyarakat Kota Malang ikut berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang.Kata Kunci : Peran KPU, Partisipasi Masyarakat.ABSTRACTGeneral election for president and vice president is an event held every five years in Indonesia. This is a program which is used for channeling the aspirations of all communities, especially in influencing political decisions. This study aims to determine the role and participation of Malang communities in the presidential and vice presidential elections 2014. Besides, this study also aims to determine the role of General Elections Commission (KPU) of Malang in general election of president and vice president in 2014, and to explain the enabling and inhibiting factors of communities’ participation in the election of president and vice president in 2014. The approach used in this study is descriptive study, which is a study model by noting, describing and interpreting the role of KPU in increasing the communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This study uses three methods in collecting the data. They are interview, documentation, and observation. Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the General Elections Commission has a big role in increasing communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This means that it corresponds to the reality and the facts which occurred, that in 2014 the participation of Malang communities greatly increased. This is supported by the results of the interviews and observations to the government of Malang, Political Parties in Malang and also Malang communities. Besides, the most favorable case is the result of vote counting in Malang which shows as much as 70% of people in Malang participated in the elections for president and vice president 2014 in Malang.Key words: Role of the General Elections Commissions, Communities Participations

Our Bungling Electoral System

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-710
Author(s):  
Joseph Cady Allen
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Majority Vote ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Present System ◽  
The People

According to popular parlance, we elect a President and vice-president, on the Tuesday following the first Monday of November of each fourth year, by vote of the people. It is well known however that, technically speaking, we do not choose these officers on that day or at any time by popular suffrage. Instead of that, we choose in each state a committee that is called the electoral college; and these electors meet on the second Monday of January and elect the President and vice-president by ballot. The theory of the Constitution is that these electors are not to be pledged or obligated to vote for any particular person, but that they and not the people shall really make the choice.But, practically from the start, and contrary to the expectation of those who framed the Constitution, the choice of President and vice-president was seized by state legislatures and afterwards transferred to the people, through the device of appointing electors that were virtually pledged to designated candidates. So the electoral colleges have failed of their purpose and become a useless complication. And not only are they useless, but objectionable also and dangerous in many and serious ways.This paper will endeavor to show that our present system of presidential election is bad in every step of the process, viz. in a. the appointment of the electors, b. the membership and proceedings of the electoral colleges, c. the count of the vote in congress, d. the interval between the election and the time when the President takes office, and e. the election by the house of representatives in case the electors fail to give a majority vote to any candidate.

scholarly journals Kryzys konstytucyjny w Estonii w 2016 r.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Zackiewicz ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic

By law, the president of modern Estonia is elected indirectly by parliament or, in the absence of a decision in three consecutive votes, by a specially appointed electoral college. In 2016, Estonia experienced an unprecedented political crisis resulting from the impossibility of appointing the head of state according to the procedure specified in the constitution. It was determined both by more general factors related to the electoral system itself, as well as the specificity of Estonia's political life in the second decade of the 21st century. The 2016 presidential election proved to be a complicated game involving major political parties, going well beyond simply appointing a new head of state. The purpose of this article is to discuss the origins, course and immediate effects of these events, culminating in the unexpected election of Kersti Kaljulaid to the office of President of the Republic.

scholarly journals Institusionalisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di Kota Palembang

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Agung Pratama Putra ◽  
Norhuda Norhuda ◽  
Nico Oktario Adytyas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
Public Knowledge ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Party Institutionalization ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This research is entitled "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN PALEMBANG CITY: A Case Study of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP)". This research explains that the institutionalization of Islamic political parties in Palembang City can affect the results of the legislative elections and the existence of voters, which at the time of the 2019 legislative elections in Palembang City, the votes and seats of Islamic political parties experienced very significant changes in terms of the number of votes. and legislative seats. Islamic political parties that experienced an increase in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) when the 2014 legislative general election received three seats but in the 2019 legislative general election it got five seats, while the Islamic political parties which experienced a decrease in the number of votes and legislative seats, namely the Party The Development Association (PPP) when the 2014 legislative election won two seats, but in the 2019 legislative general election, it only got one seat. The reason the author chose the title Institutionalization of Islamic Political Parties in Palembang City is due to the extent to which Islamic parties have or have not been institutionalized, this research on the institutionalization of political parties uses the theory of Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand political parties are considered institutionalized if there are four degrees of institutionalization such as Degree of System, Degree of Value Identity , Degree of Decision Autonomy and Degree of Public Knowledge. Based on the theory used, the results of this study, among others, prove that PKS can be said to have been institutionalized and PPP has not been institutionalized based on the four degrees of political party institutionalization theory concept according to Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand. So that it can be directly proven by the results of research findings where the institutionalization of PKS and PPP parties has similarities and differences between the two Islamic political parties in absorbing the people's aspirations and fighting for the interests of Muslims in Palembang City.

Islam and Exceptionalism in American Political Discourse

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (02) ◽  
pp. 235-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandaville
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The phenomenal success achieved by Islamic political parties in the wake of the Arab uprisings of 2011 is one of the most significant and frequently noted developments to follow from those momentous events. Within a few months of the demise of long-standing authoritarian regimes, Islamist groups that had been banned and oppressed for decades found themselves flourishing. Soon El-Nahda in Tunisia and then Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood tasted victory in constituent assembly, legislative, and eventually presidential elections. A new area of political Islam in power had seemingly arrived.

Presidential Succession Effects in Voting

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franco Mattei ◽  
Herbert F. Weisberg
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Vice President ◽  
General Election ◽  
Retrospective Voting ◽  
Indirect Impact ◽  
Presidential Succession ◽  
President Bush

Attitudes towards a departing administration can help shape attitudes towards candidates, especially when the incumbent vice-president is one of the candidates. This succession effect was apparent in the 1988 presidential election, when Vice-President Bush benefited from the enduring popularity of retiring President Reagan. This article develops a model in which succession effects, the net candidate score and party identification affect the general election vote. Analysis shows that this effect remains when controls are instituted for retrospective voting more generally. Attitudes towards Reagan also had an indirect impact by affecting the net Bush-Dukakis candidate score; altogether the estimated impact of the Reagan effect in 1988 was to turn the vice-president's predicted loss into his observed victory. Additionally, a succession effect was detected in the 1988 nominating campaign, with Bush's popularity over Dole benefiting from reactions to the Reagan administration. There is evidence of succession effects in other presidential elections, particularly a Johnson effect in 1968.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURT VERDICT NUMBER 14/PUU-XI/2013 ON THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
. Suparto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Article 9

In judicial review on Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 on Election of President and Vice-President which regulates presidential threshold, the Constitutional Court declined it since it is an open legal policy mandated by Article 6 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution that the administration of President and Vice-President election will be further regulated in a Law. This reason is deemed insufficient as the Article 6 paragraph (5) regulates procedures (phases of the process), not requirements for candidates of President and Vice President to be eligible on participating in the election. Moreover, Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 potentially expands the norms as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution in which the candidates for President and Vice President shall be nominated by a political party or coalition of political parties participating in the election prior to the election without any other frills (the threshold).The term presidential threshold that is being used up until now is actually incorrect term; instead, presidential candidacy threshold should be considered as the more appropriate term.Keywords: Presidential Election, Presidential threshold, Constitutional Court Verdict.

scholarly journals HAK KONSTITUSIONAL PENGUSULAN PASANGAN CALON PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DALAM SISTEM PEMILIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA

Al-Qadha ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Irwansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
First Time

Political parties in the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the law have constitutionalrights to propose candidates for President and Deputy President. The current electoral systemrequires that before nominating the President and Vice President, political parties must have 20percent of the vote in the legislature / DPR or obtain 25 percent of the national legitimate votes inthe previous general election. With the implementation of this system, not all political parties canpropose candidates for President and Vice President candidates. Then what is the fate of the partythat does not achieve this provision even the new party which is also the first time participating inthe general election. With the application of the nomination threshold in the electoral system inIndonesia, it will certainly restrict or limit the constitutional rights of political parties that do not meet the desired conditions of the threshold

scholarly journals A Bayesian Approach for Validation of Election Results

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
R.K. Ogundeji ◽  
J.N. Onyeka-Ubaka
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Bayesian Approach ◽  
Bayesian Methods ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Empirical Bayes ◽  
Posterior Probability ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Credible Intervals ◽  
Election Results

Election process and results in many countries have resulted in both political and economic instability of that country. Fair and credible election process and results must be evidence-based and statistical proven. This study employed a Bayesian procedure for the validation of election results. Based on Nigerian 2011 and 2015 presidential election results, Bayesian credible intervals were obtained to assess the credibility of Nigeria presidential election results. The study explores Bayesian methods using a Bayesian model called beta-binomial conjugate model to compute posterior probability of electoral votes cast and confirm if these votes are within Bayesian credible intervals. The results obtained showed that election outcomes for the two major political parties in Nigeria 2011 presidential election are not within Bayesian credible bounds while 2015 presidential election results are within computed Bayesian credible bounds. Also, in contrast to frequentist approach, applied Bayesian methodology exhibited smaller variance which is an indication that Bayesian approach is more efficient. Thus, for election to be fair, credible and acceptable by the electorates, Bayesian approach can be used to validate electoral process and results. Keywords: Bayesian Methods, Bayesian Credible Intervals, Beta-Binomial Model, Empirical Bayes, Nigeria Presidential Elections.

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