scholarly journals Produkowanie estetyk, produkowanie podmiotu. Początki odwilży i wolność twórcza w sztukach wizualnych na przykładzie wystawy w Arsenale

2019 ◽  
pp. 381-408
Author(s):  
Jakub Dąbrowski

In Polish art history, there are two approaches to the “Arsenał” exhibition of August 1955. One, rooted in the debates around it, presents the “Arsenał” as the beginning of a political “thaw” – an act of emancipation, a demonstration of young artists who rebelled against the socialist realism. The other approach to the show or, rather, to the “thaw” as a whole, rejects an interpretation of artistic processes and choices as autonomous activities. Instead, with reference to the theory of Michel Foucault, the “Arsenał” is considered as a result of a reconfiguration of scattered power relations, stimulated by the changing strategies of the institutional power system. The present paper follows the latter approach. Foucault claims that power relations are combined with three interconnected types of human relations: defining the hierarchy of tasks and division of labor, compelling obedience, and performing “communicative binding,” i.e. purposeful action that affects the actors’ knowledge of the world and of themselves. After 1954, power relations in Poland were strategically changing: the system of labor division and the distribution of art, including all the related benefits, was still centralized, but the ineffective administrative control relaxed, while the production of meaning changed as well – the communist party modified its rhetoric referring to art and the range of artistic choice grew together with the options of communication. Still, the liberalization of the system and abandoning the Moscow version of the socialist realism in cultural policy did not mean any real increase of the freedom of choice. Using state exhibition institutions and the press, which was the main channel of communication between the authorities and the masses, the communist regime continued to control the aesthetic consciousness of the artists. An analysis of both printed and visual messages found in the press of the period, specialist periodicals and daily newspapers alike, has revealed a surprising similarity of the official discourse and the aesthetic choices made by the participants of the “Arsenał” – in particular those choices which were later interpreted as attempts to reject the socialist realism and launch a new beginning. It seems that the young artists were “positively censored,” i.e. the regime succeeded in creating an aesthetic reality which they accepted. What is more, they considered it subversive as an emanation of liberty. The selection of the aesthetic modes favored by the authorities took place in an unconscious way already at the stage of creation, before particular works of art were accepted by the ”Arsenał” jury and before they were actually controlled by the institutions of censorship.

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 530-576
Author(s):  
Peter Kupfer

Volga-Volga (1938), the third musical comedy made by the Soviet director-composer team of Grigory Aleksandrov and Isaak Dunayevsky, is one of the most emblematic films of the Soviet 1930s. Indeed, it won its makers a Stalin Prize in 1941 and was supposedly Stalin’s favorite film. But Volga-Volga was also a success with Soviet viewers: they flocked by the millions to see the film, which was still playing in theaters at the outbreak of war in June 1941. As a combination of slapstick comedy and memorable musical numbers that addressed an appropriately Soviet theme, the film clearly spoke to both the masses and officials. But what does Volga-Volga have to say? The film tells the story of a musical “civil war” between a folk ensemble and a classical orchestra, both of which head to Moscow to participate in the national musical Olympiad. Due to “accidental” circumstances, the two ensembles eventually join forces and win the competition with a performance of the “Song about the Volga.” Though this merger of musical forces and styles seems to serve predominantly comedic purposes, the “story of a song” can also be read as a commentary on the development of music in the Soviet Union in the 1930s. In a period marked by debates and uncertainties in all realms of musical production about what exactly Socialist Realist music was to be, Aleksandrov and Dunayevsky offer as their solution a musical practice that advocates inclusivity by seeking to combine features from many types of music into a distinctly Soviet blend. This thematization of music is enhanced by the nature of the film musical, whose stylistic reliance on music as a bridge between real and ideal worlds embodies the aesthetic demands of Socialist Realism. Furthermore, the film can be understood as an instance of what film scholar Miriam Hansen calls “vernacular modernism,” namely, the adaptation of an American cinematic model into a foreign context as a tool for reflecting and refracting experiences of modernity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariya Andirkova ◽  

Our story is about the personal history of two prominent intellectuals with a different place in the Bulgarian art studies. We are talking about the lasting and the conjuncture in the world of moral and aesthetic values. The first one, the father Nikolay Raynov, is among the pioneers in the process of Europeanization of Bulgarian art with a significant and lasting contribution, while the son Bogomil Raynov, is an apologist of socialist realism from his initial Stalinist phase to the very end, with a few exceptions, when, after the unstoppable decline, the Communist regime and its art remain in history.


Keruen ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (68) ◽  
Author(s):  
A.T. Khamraev ◽  

“Shuburshun” is the work of the Belarusian writer A. Karlyukevich and its figuratively and metaphorically is replete with an abundance of tropes with elements of national irony. The text is structurally complex, spiritually rich and elegant. The translator was able to show in translation the national color, spirit and ideal of the fairy tale, he felt the literary world behind the text that inspired the author and sought to recreate it in a holistic way. A significant amount of literary and aesthetic information is encoded in the work as well. Moreover, some words, in particular: “Shuburshun”, “Svisloch’”, etc., appear as the dominant units of the Uighur text. Authors lexemes and glossaries “entered” into the Uyghur text make the work mysterious, because of it they have a reverse effect. The Uygur translation of “Shuburshun” as a new independent aesthetic phenomenon, due to the interpenetration of various contents and forms, is experiencing internal implicit conjugation changes that rigidly interlink textual connections at a new level. This is how the principles of aesthetic interferences work and interact in any literary translation that acts as the dominant feature of bicultural aesthetics. It is about the emergence of a “different”literary and aesthetic reality in translation. In particular, we are witnessing an objective process of “entering” (or “invasion”) of Belarusian words into the Uyghur text, which affect the aesthetic consciousness of the reader.


2021 ◽  
pp. 353-385
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Stykalin ◽  

An example of how epoch-making historical events in Central Europe affected the fate of an elite educational institution is the history of the second Hungarian university, founded in 1872 in the main city of Transylvania, Kolozsvár. This university was forced to leave Transylvania as a result of its reunification with the Kingdom of Romania in December 1918 following the First World War. Romanian professors from the “Old Kingdom” entered the university buildings built in the era of Austro-Hungarian dualism, located in the same city that changed its name from Kolozsvár, to Cluj. They were tasked by the new authorities to facilitate the integration of the region into Romania. The Hungarian University moves within the new borders of Hungary, to the city of Szeged. The creating of this powerful center of elite Hungarian culture became one of the essential directions of the cultural policy of the conservative regime. Its representatives saw the transformation of Hungary into a bastion of high European culture on the threshold of the Balkans as one of the ways to compensate for the enormous national infringement that the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 was for millions of Hungarians. The resettlement to Szeged, however, by no means put an end to the history of the Hungarian University of Transylvania. After the second Vienna arbitration for the transfer of Northern Transylvania to Hungary (August 1940), the Hungarian university in Cluj was restored, and the Romanian one moved within the narrowed borders of Romania. In the post-war Romania, under the left-wing authorities, and later the communist regime, which was not interested in aggravating the Hungarian-Romanian contradictions, both Romanian and Hungarian universities functioned in Cluj for a decade and a half, until in 1959, amid the rise of Romanian nationalism, an independent Hungarian university was closed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-165
Author(s):  
Marcin Kotras

This article concerns discourse in the 4th Republic and its role in creating the divisions and cleavages of Polish society. The author analyzes the argumentation strategies used by the press supporting the government and its so-called “good change” (the weeklies Sieci and Uważam Rze, which were published in the years 2012–2017). He concentrates on selected rhetorical practices such as labeling, categorization, and discrimination, and determines that the center of the argumentation strategy of the weeklies analyzed is a discursively constructed division between the “elites” and the “masses” ordinary people”). This type of strategy allows the building of a Me-Them dichotomy, which serves not only to strengthen divisions but also to de-legitimize the social space of the 3rd Republic and give legitimacy to the “good change” of the 4th Republic. These activities are exemplified by the manner in which the writers in opinion-forming weeklies describe and explain selected topics and events, such as the Round Table Talks or the migration crisis. The author finds that in the argumentation strategies analyzed, the “nation” is understood as an exclusive community defined from an essentialist perspective. He relates these and other findings to the problem of the new, simplified form of political rivalry and contemporary election campaigns.


Author(s):  
Zanda Gūtmane

The paper is devoted to a parallel description of the literary processes in the Soviet Union and Soviet Latvia during Nikita Khrushchev’ reign, also known as the period of political thaw or the liberalisation of the communist regime (1953–1964). The main object of the research is the literary magazine Inostrannaja literatura (Иностранная литература), issued in the Soviet Union since 1955, dedicated to foreign literature and its translations; the principles of creating its content and structure during the political thaw period. The aim of the research: with concrete examples, to show the role of this legendary Russian literary periodical in the Iron Curtain period, expansion of freedom of thought, decanonization of socialist realism dogmas in general in the USSR, and also in the Latvian SSR. The methodological basis of the research consists of a comparative literature approach and a new historicism position that the literary text is important in studying different lines of history. The analysis of the publications clearly shows the replacement of the so-called periods of thaw and freezing. The article proves that the appearance of translations, reviews, previews, and research articles of foreign literature in this journal is closely connected with various political peripeteia of the USSR. In Latvia, there is a great resonance of Inostrannaja literatura, and it had an eventual influence on overcoming the dogmas of socialist realism in Latvian literature. The publications about the journal in Latvian literary editions and the study of the reception of one text example, a comparison of various editions of the writer Ēvalds Vilks’s (1923–1976) story “Twelve Kilometers”, prove it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-17
Author(s):  
Stacey Prickett

Abstract Recently, the word ’democracy’ has been featured prominently in the press, with calls to restore it, save it from ominous threats and expose challenges to its principles, all predicated on an assumed understanding of the concept. Many of the roots of today’s democracies reach back to the 18th century revolutions in the pre-U.S. American colonies and France, which continue to reinforce Euro-American values and ideologies of nation. The transfer of power remains a defining principle, shifting control from elites to the masses. How do the principles that inspired democratic revolutions relate to the ballot-box versions of democracy today? This article considers contemporary complexities of democracy as a concept, offering examples of how it is embodied through iconography, gestures of defiance and civil disobedience. Democratic values are explored in more formal choreography and in creative processes that establish associations with political agency.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document