scholarly journals Understanding the Reasons for Transition from Iranian Constitutional State to Authoritarian State: an Analysis in the Framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory

2021 ◽  
pp. 347-363
Author(s):  
Reza Eltiyami Nia ◽  
Reza Rezaei

Throughout the history, the formation of the constitutional state has been the first experience of the modern state in Iran. The change in power relations and the restriction of authoritarian power were among the most important issues of constitutional state. The current study aims at investigating the reasons for transition from Constitutional state to an authoritarian bureaucratic state by adopting Laclau and Mouffe’s framework to political discourse analysis. Research methodology is descriptive-analytical conducted by library–based data. The results showed that the constitutional revolution transformed the power structure and traditional state, but the constitutional revolution failed to create a new order. Despite legal provisions such as the formation of the parliamentary system and the constitution, the constitutional state was unable to exercise its legal power. The co-existence of traditional and reactionary components such as the Khānins, tribal leaders, tribal populations and owners in line with modern elements, intellectuals and the heterogeneity of the ruling political elites made the constitutional revolution incapable of producing profound politico-social changes. As a result, a number of internal and external factors such as financial crisis, tribal power, the imperialist treaty of 1907,disillusionment of political elites, the formation of centrifugal forces, insecurity and global chaos and development of neighboring countries, diversity of ideological in line with geopolitical points of view have been the most important factors in the transition to the authoritarian bureaucratic state of Pahlavi and the failure of the nation – building process and the collapse of politico-constitutional system in Iran.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abrak Saati

Constitution-building is one of the most salient aspects of transitional processes, from war to peace or from authoritarian rule, in terms of establishing and strengthening democracy. This paper is part of a research project that aims to identify the circumstances under which constitution-building can strengthen democracy after violent conflict and during transitions from authoritarian rule. Previous research has indicated that the actions and relations of political elites from opposing political parties when making the constitution has bearing on the state of democracy post promulgation, but that the careful sequencing of public participation in the process can be of relevance as well. This paper conducts a systematic analysis of seven empirical cases and focuses the investigation to the type of constitution-building body that has been employed and to during what stage of the process the general public have been invited to participate. It concludes that popularly elected constitution-building bodies tend to include a broad range of political parties and that they, additionally, tend to have rules of procedure that encourage compromise and negotiation, whereas appointed bodies are dominated by one single party or one single person and do not have rules of procedure that necessitate compromise. The paper also discusses the potential need for political elites to have negotiated a number of baseline constitutional principles prior to inviting the general public to get involved in the constitution-building process, and concludes that this is an area of research in need of further in-depth empirical case-studies. 


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Johannsen

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Tri Marfiyanto

In the context of Indonesia, especially after the New Order government, many changes occurred in the structure of our constitutional system. The transition of forms of government from centralized to decentralized, changes in democratic climate, the strengthening of the issue of human rights, a firmer recognition of cultural, religious and racial pluralism, all of which have implications for Government policies in the field of education. The aim of this paper is to reveale the transformation of curriculum in islamic religion education. This study used literature review. The result of this paper  that there has been a paradigm shift in the PAI curriculum in public universities after the New Order government, especially in the 2002 PAI curriculum. The paradigm developed sees Islam as a dynamic and responsive perspective towards the present.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Muhammad Husein Maruapey ◽  
Budiman Rusli

<h1>Research about Anomaly of Election Procedure of Head Village Government until now become unresolved social problem. Although the Policy of Regional Regulation Number 3 Year 2006 has been going on for a long time. The Local Government has made various breakthroughs, but is constrained by various problems. Among others, internal conflicts of indigenous peoples, lack of community support and the intrigue and interests of local political elites. The use of qualitative methods in this study is because the object under study requires direct observation of the researcher as the main instrument in addition to avoiding the occurrence of speculation and engineering research data, Based on the research, showing there are procedural deviations caused by several aspects such as: Saniri State Resources not yet qualified, implementing agencies are inconsistent with rules, halfhearted and unequivocal policies, external conditions of polarized community with policy the election of the village head implemented by the Soeharto government. The results of the research showing are related to factors (1) Human Resources not yet qualified, (2) Non-compliance with Rules, (3) Unclear policies, (4) with the Electoral Program of the New Order era (5) Intrik and interests of local political elites and (6) The history bias of the State Government.</h1>


1980 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Most

The discussion focuses on the effects that changing forms of authoritarian rule and the growth of a bureaucratic state had on A gentine public policies during the 1930-1970 interval. Hitherto quite separate literatures are brought together in the examination of two different arguments. The first, drawn from the emerging literature on authoritarianism and corporatism in Latin America, suggests that the trends in Argentine public policies should have been interrupted whenever different types of authoritarian coalitions sequentially replaced each other in power. The second thesis, drawn primarily from research on Latin American bureaucracies and North American policy analyses, suggests that there is a need to disaggregate the coalition/policy linkage. It hypothesizes that four factors which developed at about the midpoint of the 1930-1970 period in Argentina—the growth of a large and well-entrenched public sector, limitations on the ability of political elites to press their policy demands, limitations on previously uncommitted resources, and the existence of a crisis of hegemony—should have increasingly constrained the policy-making importance of the coalitions and the leaders who represented them in the highest levels of government. Coalitions and elites should have been increasingly unable to direct and indirect policies in the ways which they preferred. Interrupted time-series analyses of seven policy series provided support for the constraints thesis. Coalitions and those who governed at the top were once important in Argentina as the authoritarian literature suggests. Coalition changes did not occur in a vacuum, however. Once the four state-related constraints developed, such shifts came to have only marginal impacts on the examined policy indicators.


Humaniora ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Decentralization basically is acknowledged would make development process at the local level runs democratic. Otherwise, democracy at the local level is not only determined by the existing of democracy institution at the local level (election, parties, non-governmental organization). Democracy at the local level is also determined by behaviour and power practices by local elites at the local level. This journal shows that power practices at the local level tend to corrupt, ollygarchy and full of intimidations. Political elites who participate in the local political contestation tend to have social basic from the new order and the local nobles.  


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Meuleman

AbstractThis article studies the process of nation-building in Indonesia. Using a historical approach for the analysis of what is portrayed as a nonlinear, long-term process, it discusses relevant developments during the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras, with particular attention to the New Order and most recent periods. The analysis focuses on the complex relations between unity and diversity and highlights the multiplicity of frame-works within which inhabitants of the present Republic of Indonesia have constituted their identities, including national, transnational and subnational ones. Two questions that receive particular attention are the role of religion and the relations between the centre and various parts of the country. The article argues that various factors, including religion and ethnicity, have contributed to nation-building in specific circumstances, but have had contrary effects under other conditions. It also shows that progress and regression in nation-building has partially been the voluntary or involuntary effect of the tactical use governments and other political actors have made of manifold communal differences. It adds that the identity of Indonesian citizens becomes increasingly complex and trans- as well as subnational components increasingly important, but that this does not automatically imply the end of the nation-building process.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorraine Eisenstat Weinrib

… ‘true’ democracy recognizes the power of the constitution — fruit of the constituent authority — to entrench the fundamental human rights and the basic values of the system against the power of the majority. Such a limitation of majority rule does not impair democracy but constitutes its full realization.In 1982, Canada's written constitution acquired a bill of rights. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 1982 emerged as the product of a prolonged debate as to the propriety and desirability of protecting, by judicial review, an array of constitutional norms as part of the “supreme law” of Canada. The richness of that debate precipitated a new constitutional model that enlisted not only the courts, but the legislature and executive as well, in the project of rights-protection.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmatunnair Rahmatunnair

Abstract: Formalization of an Islamic Law Paradigm in Indonesia. Formalization of Islamic law in Indonesia in principle is an effort of transformation of substantive values of Islamic Law within the system of National law. Indonesia is a constitutional state, so the formalization of Islamic law must refer to the constitution of the state. Therefore, the transformative paradigm of the means of formalization of Islamic law within the constitutional system is an appropriate choice and provides for broader prospects. Thus, the formalization of Islamic law in formal symbolic manner, especially in an effort to establish an Indonesian Islamic State, will only undergo distortions and will not provide benefits for the Islamic community in Indonesia.Keywords: formalization, Islamic law, national constitutionAbstrak: Paradigma Formalisasi Hukum Islam di Indonesia. Formalisasi hukum Islam di Indonesia pada prinsipnya merupakan upaya transformasi nilai-nilai subtanstif hukum Islam dalam sistem hukum Nasional. Indonesia adalah negara hukum, sehingga formalisasi hukum Islam mesti mengacu pada hukum negara. Oleh karena itu, paradigma transformatif bagi upaya formalisasi hukum Islam dalam sistem hukum Nasional adalah pilihan yang tepat dan memberikan prospek yang lebih besar. Dengan demikian, formalisasi hukum Islam secara formal simbolik apalagi dengan upaya mendirikan negara Islam Indonesia, hanya akan mengalami distorsi dan tidak banyak memberikan kebaikan bagi umat Islam Indonesia.Kata Kunci: formalisasi, hukum Islam, hukum NasionalDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.984


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Ridho Al-Hamdi

This study examines the roles of political elites in the Muhammadiyah in facing<br />the dynamics Muslim politics in post New Order regime. There are three issues<br />discussed: the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire to implement<br />the Jakarta charter as a state ideology, and the rise of terrorism. The result of<br />the study demonstrated that there are four variants of the political attitudes of<br />the elites in Muhammadiyah in post-New Order regime: 1) transformative-ideal-<br />istic; 2) moderate-idealistic, 3) realistic-critical, and 4) accommodative-prag-<br />matic. The variations are deeply influenced by two main factors: the sociological<br />background and organizational factor.<br />Penelitian ini menguji peran elit politik dalam Muhammadiyah dalam menghadapi<br />dinamika politik Muslim pada era  rezim pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yang<br />dibahas: munculnya partai-partai politik Islam, keinginan untuk melaksanakan<br />Piagam Jakarta sebagai ideologi negara, dan munculnya terorisme. Hasil penelitian<br />menunjukkan bahwa ada empat varian sikap politik para elite di Muhammadiyah<br />pada era  rezim pasca-Orde Baru: 1) transformatif-idealis; 2) moderat-idealis, 3) realistis-kritis, dan 4) akomodatif-pragmatis. Variasi ini  sangat dipengaruhi<br />oleh dua faktor utama, yaitu  latar belakang sosiologis dan faktor organisasi.


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