scholarly journals Islam and politics: political attitudes of the elites in Muhammadiyah 1998-2010

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 267
Author(s):  
Ridho Al-Hamdi

This study examines the roles of political elites in the Muhammadiyah in facing<br />the dynamics Muslim politics in post New Order regime. There are three issues<br />discussed: the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire to implement<br />the Jakarta charter as a state ideology, and the rise of terrorism. The result of<br />the study demonstrated that there are four variants of the political attitudes of<br />the elites in Muhammadiyah in post-New Order regime: 1) transformative-ideal-<br />istic; 2) moderate-idealistic, 3) realistic-critical, and 4) accommodative-prag-<br />matic. The variations are deeply influenced by two main factors: the sociological<br />background and organizational factor.<br />Penelitian ini menguji peran elit politik dalam Muhammadiyah dalam menghadapi<br />dinamika politik Muslim pada era  rezim pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yang<br />dibahas: munculnya partai-partai politik Islam, keinginan untuk melaksanakan<br />Piagam Jakarta sebagai ideologi negara, dan munculnya terorisme. Hasil penelitian<br />menunjukkan bahwa ada empat varian sikap politik para elite di Muhammadiyah<br />pada era  rezim pasca-Orde Baru: 1) transformatif-idealis; 2) moderat-idealis, 3) realistis-kritis, dan 4) akomodatif-pragmatis. Variasi ini  sangat dipengaruhi<br />oleh dua faktor utama, yaitu  latar belakang sosiologis dan faktor organisasi.

Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.


1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-148
Author(s):  
N. Hampson

There is a sense in which all naval history is general history, since the structure and preoccupations of a State influence both the services which it demands of its fleets and the type of naval organization appropriate to their performance. This relationship is most obvious in periods of social and political revolution when the navy, like other institutions, finds itself out of harmony with the principles of the new order. Such a situation arose in France in 1789 when the Constituent Assembly set about the transformation of so many aspects of French society. The study of naval politics in the period 1789–91 consequently helps towards a fuller understanding of the Revolution as a whole. The changes introduced into the French navy form a not unimportant part of the general reconstruction of France while the debates on naval policy often throw a revealing light on the political attitudes of the protagonists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika ◽  
Sun Fatayati

This paper aims to examine the phenomenon of the decline of voters in Islamic ideology in Indonesia. Indonesian history notes that Islamic Political Parties have triumphed in political circles with their ability to impose fierce debates against nationalist groups and religions other than Islam when discussing constitutional changes. The endless debate then forced President Soekarno to issue a presidential decree. The sweet history of Islamic Political Parties began to decline when the regime of the New Order government fused authoritatively and caused no more unity of opinion in the Islamic party. At present, Islamic ideology political parties also have a tendency to turn to the Cacth All Party, which is considered more profitable and provides wider opportunities to gain power. This paper aims to prove the changing behavior of voters of Islamic political parties in the history of Indonesia's political configuration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (828) ◽  
pp. 268-273
Author(s):  
Petru Negură

Unlike in the Baltics, support for independence in Moldova was relatively low among the political elites and the general population when the Soviet Union collapsed. In the 1990s, the political parties in power pursued an incoherent program, as governments swung between reformist and conservative agendas. Economic crises and systemic corruption depleted citizens’ trust in politicians and state institutions. This low institutional trust has hampered governance at all levels, and primarily in crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Edward Weber

What characterises the phenomenon of populism, and how has it developed in recent decades? In this study, Edward Weber addresses these questions using quantitative longitudinal analyses of three areas of investigation: the responsiveness of political elites, populism among citizens and populism in party political discourse. Although the study is based on data from Switzerland, it is also relevant for West European countries in general. Its findings demonstrate that populism constantly accompanies democracy and that today’s nationalist, conservative political parties are not populist because of their nationalist and conservative nature, but because they are relatively new and have not yet integrated themselves into the political establishment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (8) ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Vladimir I. Peftiev ◽  

The article presents and analyzes the political changes announced and anticipated by the mid-20s of the XXI century. The main factors shaping the public demand for change have been systematized. The author substantiates the conclusion that national projects mark the third stage in the evolution of strategic management matrices after a) targeted assignments (Soviet five-year plans) and b) target figures (indicative planning and targets of the globalization era). It is shown that the quintessence of the constitutional reform lies in the proportionate and coordinated participation of the President and the State Duma in forming the federal government, the key link in the executive power in Russia. The assumption is made that political parties in Russia are moving towardcentrism and consensual practice. There is a de jure and de facto imbalance in the realization of the civil rights to work and education. Russia seeks to balance sovereignty with the challenges of globalization, being an active mediator in resolving international conflicts (Syria, Iran, North Korea, Ukraine). It is recommended that the privatization transactions of the 1990s should be legitimized. The author is guided by the warning of the ancient thinkers kairos: “Political transformations should be done not too early, but not too late”.


Populasi ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
M. Syahbudin Latief

This paper is about the process of election during democracy periode in Indonesia. The problem that usually accured during the election was the involvement of the elites in the process of election. Some elites, both from the political parties and from the village, usually interfering the process. The case in Gampeng shows that all elements have been working together in successing the process of election. Reflecting from the election process in Gampeng, the transition process towards more democratic government in Indonesia could be happen inpeace and harmony if there was honesty inside the political elites. They should more appreciate the voice from the people they were represented, instead of fighting for their own needs.


Author(s):  
Ivana Imreová

This article has two main objectives. The first is to reveal, on the basis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo, how political elites in Slovakia perceive conditions for legitimate statehood. The second is to describe and explain the perception and impact of the “Kosovo issue” on the Slovak political scene. Discourse analysis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo´s future is used as the primary analytical tool to accomplish both objectives. The following three characteristics of legitimate statehood are identified in the arguments of six parliamentary political parties: accordance of the creation of a new state with international law, the willingness and capability of a new state to ensure the protection of people´s rights within its territory, and a further group of conditions for legitimate statehood which are closely tied to the identity of both the new and parent states. In Slovakia, the perception of the Kosovo issue has always been emotive, and this fact can help us to see ethnicity as one of the main factors influencing the outcome of the parliamentary discourse, as well as the overall attitude of the Slovak Republic towards Kosovo. Ethnicity explains the Slovak approach better than the Slavic reciprocity principle, the existence of which was not proven in this study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Stanley

This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.


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