scholarly journals Desentralisasi, Basis Sosial dan Praktek Kekuasaan Elit Politik di Tingkat Lokal Pasca Penerapan Otonomi Daerah

Humaniora ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Decentralization basically is acknowledged would make development process at the local level runs democratic. Otherwise, democracy at the local level is not only determined by the existing of democracy institution at the local level (election, parties, non-governmental organization). Democracy at the local level is also determined by behaviour and power practices by local elites at the local level. This journal shows that power practices at the local level tend to corrupt, ollygarchy and full of intimidations. Political elites who participate in the local political contestation tend to have social basic from the new order and the local nobles.  

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxana Marin

The paper constitutes an attempt at examining the outlook and strategies of the local political elites in ECE countries. Specifically, the inquiry employs four elite groups in four towns, demographically similar and in developmental strategies: Tecuci (Galați county, Romania), Česká Lípa (Liberec region, the Czech Republic), Oleśnica (Lower Silesia voievodship, Poland), and Gyula (Békés county, Hungary), through the prism of the members of the Municipal Councils, for identifying and analyzing (a) the values, (b) the interactions with other groups, networks of power at local level, and (c) the priorities of the local elites. The level of decentralization specific for each of the four countries is employed as the major explanatory trajectory for the differences encountered; subsidiarily, the explanation focuses also on legacies of the ancien régime, experienced locally. Three models of local leadership in ECE are proposed: “predominantly elitistic”, “democratic elitist”, and “predominantly democratic”, with the prospects of verifying their validity and pertinence in similar cases throughout the region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwiyanto Indiahono ◽  
Erwan Purwanto ◽  
Agus Pramusinto

This research aims to examine differences in the relationship of bureaucratic and political officials during the New Order (Soeharto’s era) and the Reformation (post-Soeharto) era within the arena of public policy implementation. This is a matter of importance given that there is a change in relations between the two from integration in the New Order to bureaucratic impartiality in the Reformation Era. This study attempts to answer the question: How were the relations of bureaucratic and political officials in the implementation of local level public policy during the New Order and the Reformation Era? A qualitative research has been conducted in Tegal Municipality using the following data collection techniques: interview, focus group discussion, documentation, and observation. Tegal Municipality was selected as the study location because of the unique relationship shown between the mayor and the bureaucracy. Its uniqueness lies in the emergence of bureaucratic officials who dare to oppose political officials, based on their convictions that bureaucratic/public values should be maintained even if it means having to be in direct conflict with political officials. This research indicates that the relationship between bureaucratic and political officials in the arena of local level policy implementation during the New Order was characterized as being full of pressure and compliance, whereas during the Reformation Era bureaucrats have the audacity to hinder policy implementation. Such audacity to thwart policies is considered to have developed from a stance that aims to protect public budget and values in policies. The occurring conflict of values here demonstrates a dichotomy of political and bureaucratic officials that is different from the prevailing definition of politics-administration dichotomy introduced at the onset of Public Administration studies.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”


1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-8
Author(s):  
Simi Afonja

Women experience numerous contradictions as they undergo social change. Many have celebrated the autonomy of Nigerian women. Some “got drunk” with the notions of this autonomy. Change created a number of problems that supposed autonomy could not come to grips with. Just a few examples: First, women appeared to contribute more labor to the development process than men, burdening them with physical and time constraints. Second, modernization created new resources and along with them, new kinds of inequalities in access to resources. Specifically, women had much more limited access to resources than men. Consequently, women could not invest resources in the same ways as men.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Mohamad Bustam

Lembaga swadaya masyarakat ini berupaya memperjuangkan hak komunitas lokal dalam isu kebijakan penetapan kawasan taman nasional. Tujuan penulisan ini mengidentifikasi peran dan strategi Yayasan Tanah Merdeka (YTM) dalam memperjuangkan hak komunitas Orang Katu atas penetapan Kawasan Taman Nasional Lore Lindu Sulawesi Tengah. Data dikumpulkan menggunakan metode kualitatif dan disajikan secara deskriptif. Studi mengungkapkan YTM memainkan peran strategis dalam menciptakan hegemoni tandingan atas kebijakan penetapan kawasan Taman nasional Lore Lindu di wilayah komunitas Orang Katu. Hal ini dilakukan dengan membentuk kesadaran kolektif, melibatkan komunitas dalam gerakan akar rumput, mengembangkan strategi perjuangan melalui penyusunan dokumen pengelolaan sumber daya alam berbasis pengetahuan lokal serta, penggunaan terminologi masyarakat adat sebagai instrumen perjuangan yang dihubungkan dengan wacana hak global sehingga menjadi kekuatan yang konstitutif dalam arena politik pengelolaan sumber daya alam pada tingkat lokal.  Kata kunci: Lembaga swadaya masyarakat, gerakan masyarakat adat, kebijakan taman nasional   This non-governmental organization seeks to fight for the rights of local communities in the policy issue of setting the national park area. This paper aims to identify the role of Yayasan Tanah Merdeka (YTM) in the struggling rights of the Orang Katu community for the establishment of the Lore Lindu National Park Area. Data is collected using qualitative methods and presented descriptively. The study revealed that YTM played a strategic role in creating counter-hegemony over the policy of establishing Lore Lindu National Park in the Katu community area. Conducted by establishing collective awareness, involving communities in grassroots movements, the strategy is developed through the preparation of documents on the management of natural resources based on local knowledge as well as, the use of indigenous terminology that is connected with global rights discourse to become a constitutive force in the political arena of natural resource management at the local level. Keywords: non-government organization, indigenous movement, national park policy


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amirul Mustofa

Political reform has occurred in Indonesia, namely when the regime transition of power from the old order to new order, and when the transition toward the new order has yet to reform the order form is of very local government councils. Local government councils according to the opinion of the writer has never showed good political performance, they simply just as political actors who seek personal gain or rent seeking, either the status quo as well as rent-seeking hunters.In connection with these conditions the local government councils is a form of democracy at local government level is very importance role in accommodating the aspirations of the community and promote development at the local level. Referring to this idea the authors approach the study of reform as the basic options that can be found those items essential for local government reform towards a quality council. Variables of important reforms that opinion writer are:  minimize the number of political parties; amendment to the constitution need to be rethinking;political education to be a prerequisite determination of local government councils; and scope of work development of local government council.Key words: local government councils, policy reform, political parties


Author(s):  
Andrea Smolkova ◽  
Stanislav Balík

Against the background of current research and literature, the article discusses local level-personalization in the Czech Republic as well as the ways it can be studied. Emphasising topics such as personalization of the electoral behaviour, electoral system, and political elites’ strategy, the authors present a novel research design aimed at identifying and better understanding the phenomenon of personalization on the local level. The research design develops some original identifiers such as popularity of the candidate, while also employing traditional criteria such as preferential voting or incumbency effect.


Humaniora ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yustinus Suhardi Ruman

Electoral democracy generates the political elites. Because these political elites are born through a democratic process, they are expected to practice their power in accordance to the basic principles of democracy. One of them is to open the opportunity and acces of people to participatie in decision making proceses. Nevertheless, the problem is that the political elites who were elected through electoral democracy tend to close the participation of citizen in policy making process. To analyze how the political elites formulated the policy and what the rationality of the policy was, this article used rational choice theory. Article used secondary data to analyze the problem. Results of the analysis showed that democracy in local level after elections was determined by rationality, preferences, and interests of the political elites. The practices of power of the elites in local level in the context of rational choice theory made opportunity and access for the people obstructed. It then affects the existing development policies reflect only rationality, preferences, and interests of some elites. 


Author(s):  
Margaret M. Mulrooney

A biracial Republican-Populist coalition gained power over state and local governments in the 1890s, and North Carolina’s Democratic Party responded with a vicious white-supremacy campaign. Meanwhile, a small group of old-time, elite, white businessmen launched what they called the “Wilmington Revolution” to end “Negro Domination” at the local level. Mulrooney contends that the 1898 Wilmington massacre and coup d’état were not aberrant events in the city’s history; rather, the instigators consciously replicated old patterns of behavior as a way to resolve mounting conflicts over race, place, and memory. Grounded in local elites’ interpretations of the 1770s and 1860s, the Wilmington revolution of 1898 occurred after lynching emerged in the 1880s as a spectacle of organized racist violence, while the mass media (newspapers, popular fiction, advertising, film) were shaping a national color line, and before southern progressives crafted their coherent vision of a modern, economically diversified, and racially segregated South.


2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Gabrielle Lynch ◽  
Justin Willis

AbstractKenya's March 2013 elections ushered in a popular system of devolved government that represented the country's biggest political transformation since independence. Yet within months there were public calls for a referendum to significantly revise the new arrangements. This article analyses the campaign that was led by the newly elected governors in order to understand the ongoing disputes over the introduction of decentralisation in Kenya, and what they tell us about the potential for devolution to check the power of central government and to diffuse political and ethnic tensions. Drawing on Putnam's theory of two-level games, we suggest that Kenya's new governors have proved willing and capable of acting in concert to protect their own positions because the pressure that governors are placed under at the local level to defend county interests has made it politically dangerous for them to be co-opted by the centre. As a result, the Kenyan experience cannot be read as a case of ‘recentralisation’ by the national government, or as one of the capture of sub-national units by ‘local elites’ or ‘notables’. Rather, decentralisation in Kenya has generated a political system with a more robust set of checks and balances, but at the expense of fostering a new set of local controversies that have the potential to exacerbate corruption and fuel local ethnic tensions in some parts of the country.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document