scholarly journals Mujer y economía. La “narrativa de la crisis” desde la perspectiva de género

1970 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Magda Potok

For the last two decades, especially since the 2008 economic crisis, there has been a notable increase in literary works exploring social, political and economic themes in Spain. The growing number of “crisis novels” has reignited the debate about the political role of literature and its ability to challenge and modify existing social models. This article seeks to highlight the female perspective within this discussion.The aim of my analysis of the five novels written by contemporary Spanish female authors (Belén Gopegui, Cristina Fallarás, Cristina Morales, Elvira Navarro and Marta Sanz) and published between 2007 and 2018 is to expose the distinctive female experience as represented in the literature, where it often turns into undermining the system. If women’s literary practice takes the form of political intervention, it is not just because of the collapse of the fundamental trust in the state and its institutions, but mainly due to the shifts in the distribution of the sensible, as we tend to understand the politics of literature after Jacques Rancière.

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Busso

In modern democracies, nonprofit organizations and social enterprises have a relevant political role that may be threatened by the entry into the market of services. This risk increases in time of economic crisis, when the competition grows stronger and the economic needs become more urgent. Starting from this assumption, the article analyzes the relationship between the managerial strategies and the political role of the Italian third sector, focusing on the implications of the management models put in place in order to “survive” the 2008 economic crisis. Two ideal-typical strategies will be outlined, labelled respectively “entrepreneurial turn” and “hyper-embeddedness”, which seem to have effects both in terms of the manner in which the political role is realized, and in terms of the degree of politicization of the organizations. Since such strategies can both increase or decrease nonprofits’ political ambitions, it is not possible to give an interpretation in terms of a tout court distancing from politics. However, it will be argued that a trait common to all the trajectories is the withdrawal from what Mouffe defines “the political”, referring specifically to the dimension of conflict and antagonism.


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-214
Author(s):  
JOÃO GABRIEL DE ARAUJO OLIVEIRA ◽  
RENATO NOZAKI SUGAHARA ◽  
JOANILIO RODOLPHO TEIXEIRA

ABSTRACT This comment came to refute and correct the idea of Charles (2007) about the negatively implications in the income distribution when the government expand the consumption in favour to households. We prove that the political choice, to both cases (increasing consumption or increasing profit), impact positively the income distribution and does not affect the essential nature of the Kaldor neo-Pasinetti dynamic equilibrium results and the “Cambridge Equation”. The stability of the model is guarantee by applying the Olech’s Theorem to the case.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-127
Author(s):  
Zhao Yonghua

The main cause of "color revolutions" in the Commonwealth (CIS) countries is the political and economic crisis. The media policies, an-ti-government opinion and western media precipitaed the event. This article discusses the importance and influence of media on the pro-gress of "color revolutions" based on patterns of media and political reforms in the state, industrial development of mass media and media strategy of the Western States (as an example the U.S.) in relation to Commonwealth (CIS) countries.


1983 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Bonham

Despite increased interest in the political role of the state, attention is currently shifting away from the state's contribution to political development in Wilhelmine Germany. There are, however, a number of unresolved questions concerning the Wilhelmine state bureaucracy's role in German politics that make the abandonment of political analyses of the state premature. Earlier approaches to the Wilhelmine administration have argued that it was either insulated from society or subordinate to dominant social classes. Such monolithic analyses are unable to account for bureaucratic commitments to competing, substantive interests and goals as well as for administrative conflict over such commitments. This problem can be avoided through hypotheses that explain bureaucratic political behavior in terms of class, administrative structure, or ideology. These hypotheses may be of general use for future research on administrative politics in other societies as well as in Wilhelmine Germany.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 977-995
Author(s):  
Roman M. Frolov

AbstractAccording to Suetonius, in 62bcthe praetor Caesar was ‘banished from the administration of the state’ and left the forum. A spontaneous gathering (coetus) offered him help in recovering his position. Unexpectedly he restrained the crowd, and the grateful senate itself restored him to his rank. Even though only Suetonius explicitly mentions Caesar’s suspension, in fact, all our sources allow this. I will argue that Caesar did not lose his magistracy, just like the plebeian tribune Metellus Nepos affected by the same measures. Nor did the suspension include the restriction of any magisterial prerogatives. Instead, it meant the loss of political initiative. However, Caesar was still able to respond to the initiative of others. Suetonius’ account raises a number of questions about the political role of those who found themselves at the moment of transition from a position of amagistratusto that of aprivatus, and vice versa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.


Author(s):  
Natalia Rudenko ◽  
◽  
Tatiana Tuchak ◽  

The article analyzes the fiscal role of the excise tax on excisable goods (products) produced in Ukraine in the context of permanent changes in the tax legislative framework and within the framework of the global crisis through the coronavirus disease COVID-19. The concept of excise tax has been substantiated, a list of excisable products (goods) has been provided in accordance with legislative acts, the payers of this tax have been specified. The most important events and transactions that influenced the amount of tax revenues from excise tax are investigated. The authors believe that the main reason for the changes in the administration process and the receipt of the excise tax are the European integration transformations and the conditions of the global socio-economic crisis. Based on the difficult economic situation in the state, some legislative acts regulating the collection of excise tax from excisable products produced in the country were considered. It was revealed that a moratorium on the payment of excise tax was imposed on the territory of the studied state for a certain period. This event made its own adjustments to the proceeds from the payment of excise tax on excisable products (goods) produced domestically, and also allowed domestic producers to move from the place of economic stagnation. In Ukraine, they began to actively manufacture and sell antiseptic and disinfectants of their own production to protect citizens. According to the data of the State Treasury Service of Ukraine, the authors analyzed the indicators of tax revenues for each type of excisable products (goods) of domestic production. It was revealed from which products more tax was received during the study period. The main factors that influenced the receipts of excise tax from excisable goods produced on the territory of Ukraine in the period of 2019, as well as for 9 months of 2020, have been determined.


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