scholarly journals Concept And Its Implementation During The Reconstruction Of The Church Of Blessed Virgin Mary In Chojna

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
Maciej Płotkowiak

Abstract St. Mary's parish church in Chojna was erected at the turn of XIV and XVc. in a shape of three aisles, hall church without transept, completed from the west with a single tower and from the east with polygonal presbytery with an ambulatory attached. The convergence of characteristic structural and decorative features with employed ones in medieval churches being attributed to Hinrich Brunsberg's fabric resulted in such a way, that also authorship of St. Mary in Chojna was assigned to this legendary architect and master builder of late Middle Ages period. The church was destroyed by fire during WWII in February 1945 and since then had remained as an open ruin. In 1997 reconstruction procedure of the church was begun under the leadership of the author and it still continues. This text consists of the sum of experiences connected with confronting design ideas and solutions with their executions on the site during construction works.

2003 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-46
Author(s):  
A. D. M. Barrell

Author(s):  
Monika Kamińska

The parish churches in Igołomia and Wawrzeńczyce were founded in the Middle Ages. Their current appearance is the result of centuries of change. Wawrzeńczyce was an ecclesial property – first of Wrocław Premonstratens, and then, until the end of the 18th century, of Kraków bishops. The Church of St. Mary Magdalene was funded by the Bishop Iwo Odrowąż. In 1393 it was visited by the royal couple Jadwiga of Poland and Władysław Jagiełło. In the 17th century the temple suffered from the Swedish Invasion, and then a fire. The church was also damaged during World War I in 1914. The current furnishing of the church was created to a large extent after World War II. Igołomia was once partly owned by the Benedictines of Tyniec, and partly belonged to the Collegiate Church of St. Florian in Kleparz in Kraków. The first mention of the parish church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary comes from the first quarter of the fourteenth century. In 1384, a brick church was erected in place of a wooden one. The history of the Igołomia church is known only from the second half of the 18th century, as it was renovated and enlarged in 1869. The destruction after World War I initiated interior renovation work, continuing until the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Olga Antowska-Gorączniak ◽  
Paweł Lech ◽  
Andrzej Sikorski

In July 2008 a roadside well was discovered on the cathedral island in Poznań (to date at least five drawing wells from the late Middle Ages and modern times have been registered).  The well was unearthed at the rose square (excavation pit 51/2008) about 18 m from the facade of the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary (and the now nonexistent churchyard) at the level of  56.09 meters above sea level (rubble fill-in) – 50.61 meters above sea level (end of exploration) – Fig. 1.  The object was situated directly next to the road, in a large oval or quadrilateral pit (with rounded corners) ca 3.6 m in diameter, and was ca 5.5 m deep. The wooden construction which protected the walls of the object was done in the post and beam technique – Fig. 2. Many different objects fell (were thrown) into the well while water was being drawn from it, perhaps some of them were redeemed while other remained at the bottom. However, most of the “sunk” relics got into the well while it was being dug or repaired, but especially when it was filled in, i.e. when water was no longer drawn from it (Figs. 4 and 5).The well, which was sunk during the rule of Bishop Jan Lubrański (1499-1520), i.e. at a time of prosperity of Ostrów Tumski in the 16th century, was in use and water was drawn from it in the 15/16-17th centuries. It is difficult to assert what reasons decided about its being


Nordlit ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 229
Author(s):  
Rognald Heiseldal Bergesen

<p>The interior of the parish church at Trondenes in Harstad in Northern Norway is one of the best-preserved medieval interiors in Scandinavia. Four of its reredos have survived, three of them <em>in situ</em>. A significant characteristic of the decoration in the church is the pronounced presence of St. Anne and the Holy Kinship. The article explores the roles of these motifs in the iconography at Trondenes. Even though there are no sources related to the specific religious use of these motifs at Trondenes, our general knowledge of their cult elsewhere in Europe suggests how they might have been used in Trondenes. Among ordinary people in the medieval Northern Germany, the cult of Saint Anne and the Holy Kinship were related to the protection of sailors and to secure the growth of their income, as well as to protect against diseases. Usually these motifs were found in maritime, urban regions. St. Anne was regarded as a role model for the middle class women, and the Holy Kinship as a “self-image” of the trading middle class. Trondenes is the main Church in a large maritime region. In the late middle ages the fisheries along the coastline provided large incomes to the chapter of the Cathedral of Nidaros who owned Trondenes and to the local merchants at Trondenes. In such circumstances it is reasonable that the presence of St. Anne and the Holy Kinship at Trondenes was related to the protection of local sailors and to the growth of income from the fisheries. </p>


Author(s):  
Radivoj Radic

In the Middle Ages, people had an ambivalent relationship to the beauty products: some were fully supportive of the attempts to beautify oneself, while the others, first and foremost the representatives of the church, frowned upon this notion. This feature represents a show?case of the advice and recipes for beautification from two medical collections created in the late Middle Ages. These are the Byzantine medical treatise (dating from 11th to 14th century) and the collection of Serbian medieval medicine, the so-called Hodoch Code (dating from the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th century). The treatise is focusing more on the practical advice than theoretical knowledge, and its greatest part is dedicated to pharmacology. Hodoch Code (Hodoski zbornik) is in fact a therapeutic collection, and it consists of diverse medical texts. These collections contain the advice how to make one?s face white, hair black or blond, but most certainly rich in volume, as well as recipes for treating facial lines, warts, freckles, cracked lips or bad breath.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edgar Melton

For over a century now, scholars have viewed the divergent paths of agrarian development east and west of the Elbe river as a watershed in German history. In the west, according to this view, peasants from the late Middle Ages on enjoyed increasing freedom from direct seigniorial interference in their social, economic, and judicial affairs. Seigniorial obligations (often commuted to cash rents) remained, as did a degree of seigniorial control over peasant lands in many regions, but peasants west of the Elbe increasingly shed the more onerous seigniorial obligations, and could generally move without the lord's permission.


2006 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 99-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryne Beebe

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the late Middle Ages was the centre of a range of pilgrimage activity in which elite and popular beliefs and practices overlapped and complicated each other in exciting ways. The Jerusalem pilgrimage, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in particular, abounded in multiple levels of ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ experience. Through the pilgrimage writings of a fifteenth-century Dominican pilgrim named Felix Fabri, this paper will explore two specific levels: the distinction between noble and lower-class experiences of the Jerusalem pilgrimage (both physical and spiritual), and the distinction between spiritually ‘elite’ and ‘popular’ conceptions of pilgrimage itself – that uneasy balance between the spiritually-sophisticated, contemplative experience of pilgrimage promoted by St Jerome and the more ‘popular’ interest in traditional ‘tourist’ activities, such as gathering indulgences or stocking up on holy souvenirs and relics to take home. However, as we will see, even these tourist acts were grounded in the orthodox spirituality of late-medieval piety, and the elite and popular experiences of pilgrimage, whether social or spiritual, were not so distinct as they may first appear.


2003 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Bailey

The idea and the ideal of religious poverty exerted a powerful force throughout the Middle Ages. “Take no gold, or silver, or copper in your belts, no bag for your journey, or two tunics, or sandals, or a staff,” Christ had commanded his apostles. He had sternly warned, “it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for someone who is rich to enter into the kingdom of God.” And he had instructed one of the faithful, who had asked what he needed to do to live the most holy sort of life, “if you wish to be perfect, go, sell your possessions and give your money to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven.” Beginning with these biblical injunctions, voluntary poverty, the casting off of wealth and worldly goods for the sake of Christ, dominated much of medieval religious thought. The desire for a more perfect poverty impelled devout men and women to new heights of piety, while disgust with the material wealth of the church fueled reform movements and more radical heresies alike. Often, as so clearly illustrated by the case of the Spiritual Franciscans andfraticelliin the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the lines separating devout believer from condemned heretic shifted and even reversed themselves entirely depending on how one understood the religious call to poverty. Moreover, the Christian ideal of poverty interacted powerfully with and helped to shape many major economic, social, and cultural trends in medieval Europe. As Lester Little demonstrated over two decades ago, for example, developing ideals of religious poverty were deeply intermeshed with the revitalizing European economy of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries and did much to shape the emerging urban spirituality of that period.


2006 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID J. ROTHENBERG

Abstract As the season of earthly rebirth, spring in the high and late Middle Ages provided both an ideal setting for secular love songs and a symbolic underpinning for the liturgical season of Eastertide. With the Virgin Mary acting as a spiritual point of mediation, Eastertide liturgy and secular springtime song resonated symbolically with one another, a resonance seen nowhere more clearly than in polyphonic compositions in which Eastertide chants, Marian prayers, and secular springtime songs sound simultaneously. This essay presents two case studies that explore the confluence of these diverse elements within polyphonic music. The first examines thirteenth-century compositions on the widespread tenor In seculum, positing its origins in the Mass for Easter Sunday —and by extension its associations with spring—as the reason that it was used so often and combined with such diverse textual and musical materials as pastourelles, dances, courtly love songs, and Marian prayers. The second study examines the use of multiple cantus firmi in Isaac's Laudes salvatori (from Choralis Constantinus) and Josquin's Victimae paschali laudes, both paraphrase settings of Easter sequences that comment upon their primary cantus firmus by simultaneously quoting additional melodies. Isaac uses the chants Regina caeli and Victimae paschali laudes to emphasize the central role that Mary plays in the miracle of the Resurrection, while Joquin accomplishes this same goal by employing the well-known chansons D'ung aultre amer and De tous biens plaine as vernacular symbols of Christ and the Virgin Mary, respectively. The two case studies, taken together, illustrate a consistent mode of symbolic thought that endured for over three centuries.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Ivana Tomas

St Michael’s church in Ston is an important monument of medieval architectural heritage within a wider area of Dubrovnik and the only positively attested monument of the so-called southern Dalmatian single-nave dome type in the area of historical Zahumlje. The church stands on the top of the Gradac hill or St Michael’s Mount (107 m.a.s.l.), at the location of an earlier fortification. Based on an analysis of St Michael’s architecture, as well as its stone furnishing, the author has argued that the church is pre-Romaneseque in origin. It has also been suggested that the belfry (the structure to the west) was built together with the church, since the concept of the ground plan (the width-length ratio, the slightly protruding apse), its small dimensions, as well as its vertical stratigraphy (the belfry and the dome) indicate that it was constructed as a ruler’s chapel. It is most probable that the church was dedicated to Archangel Michael from the very beginning, as the cult of the heavenly host-leader as the patron saint of rulers and their military campaigns was widespread among the upper classes in the early Middle Ages. The time of construction should most probably be connected with the first historically attested and significant ruler of Ston – Duke Mihajlo Višević (before 910 – after 928), who raised Ston to an administrative and ecclesiastical centre of this Sclavinia. An analysis of the younger layer of sculpture in St Michael’s (the monumental window frames and a fragment with human face), as well as its murals, has suggested that the ruler’s chapel was furnished more richly around the mid-11th century. Considering the historical sources on Ston in this period, it has been suggested that its renovation took place at the initiative of Stefan Vojislav (before 1018 – 1043/1050), founder of the Vojislavljević dynasty. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that Vojislav, having defeated Byzantium and its allies (among them the distinguished Duke Ljutovit of Zahumlje) conquered the seat of Zahumlje’s rulers. It may be presumed that he spent some time there as well, since the Byzantine writer Kekaumenos mentions that Vojislav was a toparch in Ston and that he captured the strategos of Dubrovnik. Thus, the conquest of Ston, as well as the glorious victory over both Byzantium and Ljutovit leading the allied army, imposes itself as the probable reason why Stefan Vojislav renovated the church in Ston, namely in order to celebrate his military triumph in the chapel of the defeated ruler of Zahumlje. The reconstruction most probably took place between 1042/43 and 1050, after Vojislav’s victory and before his death.


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