scholarly journals Divided by Identity on the Left? Partisan Spillover and Identity Politics Alignment

The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-281
Author(s):  
Willie Gin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Single Group ◽  
Group Interest ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

Abstract It has often been stated that in the United States the left tends to be less united than the right on issues related to identity politics such as race, gender, and religion. This article presents evidence that this asymmetry in partisan alignment over identity politics is changing over time. Looking at various measures of public opinion shows that the left’s agreement on issues related to identity politics has either caught up with the right or that the gap is diminishing. The article considers various possible explanations for unity on these issues – including personality distribution, party homogeneity, and message infrastructure – and shows that partisan spillover in the context of polarization helps explains the closing of the gap in unity between the right and the left. In an era of polarization, Democratic affiliation induces warmer feeling toward stigmatized coalition partners. Groups that may have joined the Democratic party on a single group interest claim (race, gender, religion, class) will gradually move toward greater acceptance of other group interest claims supported by the party. These findings have implications for the oft-stated strategic claim that the left needs to focus on class redistribution over identity politics if the left does not want to be fractured.

America in Indochina, 1957–1963: British Perceptions, Hopes, and Strategy

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Meghan Nealis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Right ◽  
Core Issues

AbstractBritish perceptions of the United States in Indochina between 1957 and 1963 were cautious and constructive. This article examines the perceptions of policymakers in Prime Minister Harold MacMillan's government and public opinion as expressed in the Times of London. British policymakers had basic doubts regarding American policy in Indochina, but Britain remained involved in the region after 1954 and agreed with the United States on defining the problem and on the broad methodological approach to the crisis. London wanted to ensure that Washington pursued the “right” policy in Indochina, that Britain utilized its expertise in post-colonial and counter-insurgency, and that the Anglo- American alliance maintained its importance for both countries. The study of these perceptions reveals some concerns which we would anticipate, but also shows that Britain respected the United States as a leader in the region and that it agreed with the United States on core issues.

Implications for a Deeply Divided United States

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa Abrajano ◽  
Zoltan L. Hajnal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Racial Tension ◽  
The Right ◽  
Clear Majority

This conclusion summarizes the book's main findings and considers their implications for the areas of race, immigration, and American politics. The results confirm the important role that immigration plays in American politics and also highlight the enduring though shifting role of race in the nation. Where African Americans once dominated the political calculus of white Americans, Latinos appear more likely to do so today. The movement of so many white Americans to the right has wide-ranging ramifications for both the future balance of partisanship and likely trajectory of race relations in the country. With a clear majority of the white population now leaning towards the Republican Party and a clear majority of the minority population now favoring the Democratic Party, political conflict in the United States is increasingly likely to be synonymous with racial conflict—a pattern that threatens ever-greater racial tension.

Public Opinion on Nonwhite Underrepresentation and Racial Identity Politics in Brazil

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley R. Bailey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Sample Survey ◽  
African Origin ◽  
Class Differences ◽  
Political Preferences

AbstractBrazil has an “African-origin” population that is proportionally more than four times larger that of African Americans in the United States, but white Brazilians mostly dominate electoral politics. How do ordinary citizens explain this phenomenon? Drawing on a large-sample survey of public opinion in the state of Rio de Janeiro, this article explores perceived explanations for nonwhite underrepresentation in the political arena. It also examines attitudes toward a particular black candidate, Benedita da Silva, to discern the state ofnegroidentity politics. Most Brazilians in Rio de Janeiro cite racial prejudice to explain nonwhite exclusion, although whites do this less than nonwhites. Indicators of a racial undercurrent in political preferences suggest the importance of allegiances based on perceived common racial origins. Class is robustly associated with voting preferences, suggesting that, in contrast to the United States, class differences among nonwhites in Brazil could attenuate the success ofnegroidentity politics.

EU-China economic ties will become more distant

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Medical Equipment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
European Public ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Over Time

Significance The pandemic has exposed Europe’s dependence on China for medical equipment, the vulnerability of European firms to Chinese takeovers and China’s lack of transparency in general. The resulting deterioration of European governments’ views of China increases the likelihood that EU-China economic relations will become somewhat more distant over time. Impacts The EU’s view of China is aligning more with that of the United States, but differences in aims and tactics impede cooperation. The election of Joe Biden as US president in November would strengthen Western cohesion and cooperation over China. European public opinion on China is likely to become more negative over time.

The Transformation of the Republican and Democratic Party Coalitions in the U.S.

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Miller ◽  
Norman Schofield
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
The Social ◽  
William Jennings Bryan ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Social Conservatives

Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. In parallel, the Democratic Party will increasingly appeal to pro-business, social liberals, so the party takes on the mantel of Lincoln.

The Domestic Sources of European Anti‐Americanism

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Terrorist Attack ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
European Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
Large Sections

The Terrorist Attacks In New York And Washington Dc On 11 September 2001, and the killing of thousands of people were not sufficient to dispel a mood of suspicion in European public opinion towards America. Of course, during the very first days after the attack, there was widespread grief and sorrow about the event among Europeans. But, as soon as discussion on the right strategy to pursu to combat terrorism began, the initial mood of identification with America started to change. And when America, although backed by a large international coalition and legitimated by two UN resolutions, moved towards an armed intervention in Afghanistan, European anti-Americanism emerged again. Thus, during the armed intervention in Afghanistan, especially when the bombing led to the death of innocent victims, a social mobilization against the American war grew day after day, with its critics apparently losing sight of the fact that a dramatic terrorist attack on America had recently taken place.The interesting question is why does anti-Americanism re-emerge regularly in large sections of European public opinion? This intermittent Anti-Americanism appears more in southern and continental Europe, than in the northern British Isles and Scandinavia, where it is outdone by a more vociferous anti-Europeanism. In the latter countries, anti-Americanism takes the form of uneasiness with the United States. In fact, in spite of Britain's traditional special relationship with the United States, the fact cannot be denied that post-war British elites grudgingly accept their inferior status in that special relationship. But, of course, frustration with America is not the same as anger towards America. In any case, in (continental) Europe, anti- Americanism seems to be one of the few public philosophies that can unite large sections of the left, the right and the Catholic Church. It is a public philosophy which emerges especially in periods of war (and of international crisis in general).

Has Polling Enhanced Representation? Unearthing Evidence from the Literary Digest Issue Polls

2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Karol
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
Electoral Connection ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Over Time

How has representation changed over time in the United States? Has responsiveness to public opinion waxed or waned among elected officials? What are the causes of such trends as we observe? Scholars have pursued these crucial questions in different ways. Some explore earlier eras in search of the “electoral connection”, i.e. the extent to which voters held office-holders accountable for their actions and the degree to which electoral concerns motivated politicians' behavior. Others explore the effects of institutional changes such as the move to direct election of senators or the “reapportionment revolution.”

scholarly journals The Moving Centre: Preferences for Government Activity in Britain, 1950–2005

2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle ◽  
Sebastian Dellepiane-Avellaneda ◽  
James Stimson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Strategies ◽  
Over Time

The political ‘centre’ is often discussed in debates about public policy and analyses of party strategies and election outcomes. Yet, to date, there has been little effort to estimate the political centre outside the United States. This article outlines a method of estimating the political centre using public opinion data collected for the period between 1950 and 2005. It is demonstrated that it is possible to measure the centre in Britain, that it moves over time, that it shifts in response to government activity and, furthermore, that it has an observable association with general election outcomes.

Preferences, Problems and Representation

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 659-681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Jennings ◽  
Christopher Wlezien
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Spending ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
Survey Question ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Over Time

Scholars studying opinion representation often rely on a survey question that asks about the “most important problem” (MIP) facing the nation. While it is known that MIP responses reflect public priorities, less is known about their connection to policy preferences. This article directly addresses the issue. First, it conceptualizes policy preferences and MIP responses, specifically considering the possibility that the latter may be either policy or outcome based. Second, using aggregate-level data from the United States and the United Kingdom, it then examines the correspondence between public spending preferences and MIP responses over time. The results indicate that MIP responses and spending preferences tap very different things, and that using MIP responses substantially understates the representational relationship between public opinion and policy.

Movement Means Changing Politics

2021 ◽  
pp. 161-205
Author(s):  
Deva R. Woodly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Support ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opinion Change ◽  
Over Time

Chapter 5 reports on the political impacts of the movement thus far, including the way it has reshaped public discourse and political meanings, transformed public opinion, and influenced public policy. This chapter contains extensive empirical data, including records of public opinion change over time, maps of where progressive prosecutors have been elected across the United States, lists of policies aimed at “defunding the police” or what abolitionist call nonreformist reforms, which emphasize divesting from police and prisons and investing in social support, policies that are under consideration or have been adopted by state and municipal legislatures.

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