Multiple Otherness: Identity Politics in the Taiping Civil War

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-231
Author(s):  
Huan Jin

Abstract During and after the Taiping Civil War (1851–64), the notion of the Other was implicated in the provocation and mediation of violence and, as a result, acquired a multitude of new meanings and manifestations. Focusing on the discourse surrounding the Taiping War, this article explores the multiple political, moral, and cultural implications embedded in the idea of otherness. Unpacking the propaganda discourse of both the Taiping rebels and the Qing government, the author investigates the making of the political enemy by opposing regimes. In particular, the construction of a religious and political enemy is vital to Taiping identity formation. The author focuses on marginal figures in historical and fictional accounts who traverse political boundaries and constitute a third category beyond demarcations of “us” and Other in Taiping propaganda and its Qing counterpart. In short stories, however, these figures are subject to moral judgment and thus subsumed under another form of normative narrative involving otherness. Only in the realm of fantasy and imagination are political and moral efforts to construct and modulate otherness finally called into question. This article explores the acute malleability of the Other during the violent and chaotic Taiping Civil War and in its aftermath.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Zainal Arifin

Provinsi Lampung adalah salah satu cerminan wilayah multikultural yang ada di Indonesia. Multikultural yang ada di wilayah Lampung tidak bisa dilepaskan dari terbukanya komunitasnya dalam menerima kehadiran etnis lain di wilayahnya, yang tertuang dalam nilai-nilai budaya piil pesenggiri yang mereka miliki. Akan tetapi, piil pesenggiri pula sering diklaim sebagai penyebab konflik yang sering melibatkan orang Lampung. Ini menunjukkan ada paradoks cara pandang dalam memahami piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas orang Lampung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualittif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan observasi, yang ditujukan untuk membantah klaim bahwa konflik yang sering terjadi di wilayah Lampung, disebabkan karena menguatnya piil pesenggiri. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas, justru mampu menciptakan harmoni dengan etnis lain. Melalui kasus komunitas Lampung di Way Kanan, mekanisme politik pengorganisasian identitas (politik identitas) tersebut, komunitas Lampung justru mampu menguatkan identitas piil pesenggiri-nya, sekaligus mampu menciptakan harmoni di tengah masyarakatrnya. Lampung Province is a reflection of multicultural region in Indonesia. Multiculturalism in the region is related to the openness of the community in accepting the presence of other ethnic groups in the region. The principle of openness is contained in the values of the piil pesenggiri as as a part of their culture. But on the other hand, the piil pesenggiri was also often claimed as a cause of conflict involving frequently Lampungnese. This situation ilustrated the existence of paradoxes of perspective in understanding the piil pesenggiri as Lampung people's identity. The research employs a qualitative approach with interview and observation data collection techniques. The research purposes is to obtain findings to refute the claims of the piil pesenggiri as trigger of frequent conflict in Lampung. The results of the study demonstrates the facts contradicting the claims. The piil pesenggiri as identity actually was even able to create harmony with other ethnic groups. In the case of the Lampungnese community in Way Kanan, through the political mechanism of organizing identity (politics of identitiy), the Lampungnese community was able to strengthen the identity of the piil pesenggiri while at the same time being able to create harmony in the community.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (29) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Paul Allain

Appropriately, this feature on the Polish theatre group Gardzienice is something of a cultural mix, in which the impressions of an English visitor may be contrasted with the voice of a Polish admirer – and the beliefs of the group itself, expressed in the words of its director, Wlodzimierz Staniewski. In the winter of 1989–90, Paul Allain, a graduate student at Goldsmiths' College, University of London, visited the company at its ‘headquarters’ – which is also, in effect, the small and remote Polish village from which Gardzienice takes its name. This was at a time when the new. Solidarity-led government had yet to be fully felt. Here, Allain describes the training methods and disciplines of the company which, within the context of its physical environment, have come to constitute a lifestyle as much as an approach to theatre. Janusz Majcherek writes rather of the significance of Gardzienice in relation to the ancient and fundamental need for a homeland – a need which, in Staniewski's writings, is related to the company's own hopes and plans. All this material was in our hands well before the upsurge in nationalist feeling which has succeeded the political changes in eastern Europe: and it may be felt to reflect ironically upon alternative ways of ‘returning home’ – on the one hand through the actuality or threat of civil war and the struggle for an elusive slice of the ‘free market’, on the other in that quest for a lost history and inheritance, for healing connections with one's environment, which is reflected theatrically in the work of Gardzienice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-131
Author(s):  
Joshua Clover

AbstractThis article departs from Joshua Clover’s historical and theoretical schema that locates riots and strikes within the categories of circulation and production struggles, moving from the categories of capital’s reproduction to the reproduction of the proletariat. Here it offers the commune as the exemplary form of the category of reproduction struggle. The commune is understood not as an intentional community of withdrawal but as something like counter-reproduction, able not just to reproduce itself but to strike at capital as an antagonistic force — striking at the vital exposure of an increasingly circulation-centered capitalism. Crucial examples are encampments against extractive capital such as Standing Rock or the ZAD. The article shows how political sovereignty and economic circulation are entirely entangled, pointing to the ways that social movements have looked upon them as separate domains. Therefore, the commune is a process at the crux of the political and the economic, overcoming the tendency to prefer one or the other. Finally, the article discusses the gendered aspect of the sphere of reproduction that makes possible the double confrontation of counter-reproduction.


Author(s):  
Oleg Ivanovich Karpukhin

The article is devoted to the personality of Nikolay Alekseevich Raevsky — a historian, researcher, and writer. Raevsky is known mainly as a researcher of A.S. Pushkin’s life and work. His books about the great Russian poet were immensely popular in Soviet times and had a well-deserved recognition among Pushkin scholars. But still unknown is the other life of N.A. Raevsky — an officer of the Tsarist and White armies, who emigrated after the Civil War from Russia as part of the army of General P.N. Wrangel to the territory of Turkey (to Gallipoli), and then to Bulgaria. Then there was Czechoslovakia, Prague, where he completed a course at Charles University and devoted himself to creating works about the fate of the white movement in Russia. The value of these works today lies in the fact that Raevsky focuses on the political miscalculations of the White movement. In his firm conviction, Bolshevism was able to become a well-organized force largely thanks to a system of ideas clearly expressed and conveyed to the masses, which the White movement did not have. In these works, he removes the noble halo from the Civil War and the White movement, showing the true face of any fratricidal massacre. This approach to the Civil War does not fit into the usual cliché of White Guard literature and memoirs. Raevsky comprehends everything that was used by the most worthy, sincere, ardent young Russian people in the pre-revolutionary era, and especially during the Time of Troubles, and also reflects on what kind of future of Russia attracted them. The materials of the article can be used in the framework of training areas related to linguistics, cultural studies, and history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Skylab Sahu

Indian society is multicultural in nature, the diverse socio-cultural and the political factors operating within the society usually create some sort of norms, establish dominance, identify normality and simultaneously create the ‘other’. The other is not a monolithic singular identity, rather it is multiple identities associated with caste, class, gender, religion, etc. The female gender is entangled to multiple layers of power/powerlessness that makes a group of women more vulnerable than the other. While some like sex workers face exclusion because of their disclosed identity, non-recognition of any particular identity can further exclude a group of people. This article analyses how identity formation is an out product of social, political and legal construction. It explains the process through which the state contributes towards social exclusion pertaining to gender, work and sexuality.


PMLA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 130 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayrettidn Yücesoy

This essay aims to contribute to current studies of language and empire by considering arabic and persian in the ninth and tenth centuries. Following the lead of Edward Said on colonial empires and translation, I focus on the political aspects of language and translation in “premodern” trans-Asian societies, which have not received the nuanced attention they deserve. Accentuating the act of adopting and supporting a language as political, I argue that the wax and wane of imperial languages were predicated on two usually simultaneous dynamics: intra-imperial interests and, to use Laura Doyle's term, inter-imperial competition. Imperial patronage aimed, on the one hand, to consolidate power, exercise control, stabilize administration, and order lived reality for imperial subjects and, on the other hand, to create a discourse to fashion and project an image of rule capable of competing with rival claims in Afro-Eurasia. On both fronts, the promotion of one vernacular as “high language” entailed resisting another one in an already filled political, sociocultural, and linguistic space. The new language thus proceeded in an intrusive and even disruptive way since it involved a construction of new meanings to conform to alternative sociopolitical and cultural norms and priorities and to tame the multiplicity of language. Yet, such a political engagement or competition with existing language(s) and discourse(s) also led to new forms of hybridity of language and discourse, as was the case for Persian when the Samanids (819-999) adopted the script of the Arabic language and much of its vocabulary and idioms to express their thoughts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 116-138
Author(s):  
E. O. Shatsky

An allusive proper name is one of the traditional artistic devices of the Russian classics. The author examines Sholokhov's prose to find nearly a dozen names with reference to various Chekhov short stories. In most cases, there is no similarity between the characters' destinies, but the sheer ubiquity of Chekhov-inspired names can be considered as an homage to the master. On the other hand, the allusive names that Sholokhov consistently borrows from The Cherry Orchard [Vishnyoviy sad] are indicative of plot parallels between Sholokhov's novels and Chekhov's play. Notably, Sholokhov uses allusive proper names as a means of generalisation and typification of characters, from the bulwark of traditional morality, the Cossack woman Natalia Stepanovna, the ‘Russian Lucretia,' to the evercheerful soldier Lopakhin, to the family of Mikhail and Dunyasha Koshevoy as a symbol of recovery of the nation divided by the civil war, to the Gaev family as a premonition of the fate awaiting peasant Russia. Such allusions allow for treatment of Sholokhov's novels as a trilogy about the tragedies of the Russian people in the first half of the 20th c.


Author(s):  
Marina A. Maximenko

Recently, issues related to the history of the middle class have become popular. On the other hand, the processes associated with the formation of this class are no less interesting: the emergence of new values and guidelines, the formation of identity, as well as the development of their own political ambitions. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the 1832 act, since many historians associate it with the granting of political freedom to the middle class. Indeed, thanks to the Scottish Representation Act, Scotland's electorate has been greatly increased; but, in addition to civil liberties, in the struggle for political rights, the middle class was able to understand their own political needs, which had a significant impact on identity formation. The article examined the preparation of the bill itself, the process of its discussion, as well as the impact the adoption of this law had on representatives of the Scottish middle class. Moreover, the text gives various historiographic concepts for the act of 1832, which were systematized according to a problematic principle.


MANUSYA ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96
Author(s):  
Suradech Chotiudompant

As contemporary Thai society has become deeply enmeshed in consumerism and capitalism, with consumption now having been integrated as a way of life, Thai literature, especially those short stories written in the past decade, has touched upon the issue of consumerism in various degrees and aspects. This essay aims to investigate two major issues. Firstly, it aims to analyze how these short stories represent consumerism, especially its mechanisms that affect the daily lives of Thai people and their relationships. Secondly, it aims to shed light on the relationship between consumerism and identity politics as it appears in these short stories, and especially how consumerism both contradictorily liberates and constrains identity formation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document