scholarly journals Democracy and Political Violence in Nigeria Since Multi -Party Politics in 1999: A Critical Appraisal

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Prince Ikechukwu Igwe ◽  
Luke Amadi

Abstract The return to democracy in Nigeria in 1999 ushered in some form of political reforms, particularly in the conduct of multi- party elections however political violence appears perverse. The objective of this study is to explore how the prevalence of political violence has undermined Nigeria’s democracy. The analysis follows survey data to address the questions regarding democracy and political violence. The study draws from the frustration-aggression and group violence theories and provides a deepened analytic exploration. Based on some of the assumptions of democracy understood as freedom, equality, accountability, rule of law etc, the study argues that these assumptions obviously constitute a ‘universal pattern’ in democratic practice, which makes a critical evaluation of the Nigerian experience important. Consequently, our findings suggest that the prevalence of political violence is fundamentally an attribute of vested interests of the political elite. Some policy recommendations follow.

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Rohner

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic entails a medium- and long-run risk of heightened political conflict. In this short essay we distinguish four major consequences of COVID-19 that may fuel social tensions and political violence, namely i) spiking poverty, ii) education under stress, iii) potential for repression, and iv) reduced inter-dependence. After discussing them in turn, we will formulate policy recommendations on how to attenuate these risks.


1976 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Taylor

It has been assumed that the politicians and political organizations of late colonial Burma were mere shams behind which the real affairs of government were conducted by British governors and civil servants. It also has been assumed that what mass politics there was among the Burmese in the 1930s was dominated by nationalist youth, especially the Thakins, and monks who were untainted by contact and collaboration with the British and those Burmese who associated with them. Those members of the Burmese political élite who attempted to work in government and party politics during the last pre-war years, therefore, have been seen at best as mere reformers and at worst as callous opportunists.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Uchechukwu Nwoke ◽  
Ibenaku Harford Onoh

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically analyse the correlation between the rule of law and the efficient functioning of capital markets. It attempts to examine the Nigerian capital market and how the rule of law can be used to prevent fraud and promote the proper functioning of the market. Design/methodology/approach The paper adopts the doctrinal approach through a critical evaluation of concepts. Using existing literature in the subject area, it evaluates the inter-connectedness between law and the capital market and how the rule of law is an important instrument in capital market development. Findings The paper finds that there have been numerous infractions of the rule of law by capital market actors, leading to stultification in the growth and development of this sector of the Nigerian economy. Originality/value The paper offers a fresh insight into the correlation between the rule of law and capital markets. By critically assessing the inter-connectivity between the two concepts, it extends the body of knowledge in this area by showing how the operations of the Nigerian capital market could be improved through the proper application of the rule of law.


Yuridika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 663
Author(s):  
Iwan Satriawan ◽  
Devi Seviyana

The research aims to analyze the power and limit of the state and whether Indonesia has properly adopted the concept of powers and limits during state emergency of COVID-19 pandemic. The method of the research was normative legal research which used statute and case approach were employed for data analysis. The result shows that a state may apply some types of power in an emergency condition. However, in using its powers, the government must consider principle of limits in a state of emergency. In fact, Indonesia does not properly adopt the balance of power and limit in the state of emergency during COVID-19 pandemic. It is true that the government may take actions to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the State cannot exceed the limitations of using powers in accordance with state emergency principle. There was a tendency to exceed the limits by the State during the pandemic. The State has violated some state of emergency principles during COVID-19 pandemic such as temporary, the rule of law, necessity, proportionally, intangibility, constitutionalism, harmony, and supervision. The research recommends that the Government and the House of Representatives (the DPR) in the future should obey the state of emergency principles, particularly in terms of state power limits to respect constitutional principles and rule of law. In addition, individuals, groups of people, or organizations may submit judicial review of laws or regulations that violate the state of emergency principles in handling pandemic in the light of protecting the fundamental rights of citizens.


Author(s):  
Wendy C. Grenade

One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of the vestiges of the revolution and the Eric Gairy regime that preceded it. The new architecture was intended to transcend authoritarianism, intra-party conflict and political violence to turn Grenada into a showcase for democracy and free enterprise. This chapter maps the contours of party politics in post-revolutionary Grenada. It argues that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy but has not yet achieved deeper substantive democracy. The chapter teases out lessons from the Grenada case for democratic renewal in the Caribbean.


Significance Iohannis had resisted Justice Minister Toader Tudorel’s request to remove Kovesi, the head of the National Anti-Corruption Directorate (DNA), but was undercut by a Constitutional Court ruling that he could only refuse on procedural grounds. A 15-year effort to remove the justice system from political interference is drawing to a close, making it far harder to subject the political elite to the rule of law. Impacts Romania may find it hard to avoid economic damage from the assault on the rule of law. The steep reverse in Europeanising this post-communist country will not easily be undone. Romania’s slide into being an illiberal and kleptocratic EU member will increase doubts about admitting similar applicant states.


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