scholarly journals Verbs of Command and the Status of Their Embedded Complements in Chinese

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-145
Author(s):  
Chak-Lam Colum Yip

AbstractThis paper argues against Yue’s (1999) view that complements to verbs of commands (jiao ‘to ask/to tell,’ qing ‘to request,’ quan ‘to persuade,’ etc.) are embedded imperatives with a covert [+second person] subject pronoun. Evidence against the embedded imperative analysis include the presence of partial control, the absence of blocking effect in long-distance binding, the incompatibility between these complement clauses and the polite imperative marker qing, and the fact that Yue’s proposed covert [+second person] pronoun cannot be made overt. Since verbs of commands participate in object control, the present proposal agrees with Zhu’s (1982) treatment of verbs of command as pivotal verbs. Finally, complement clauses of verbs of command are not embedded imperatives as bie can also appear with third person subjects, which shows that the negator does not mark imperative but irrealis and deontic modality. Hence, its presence in complements of verbs of command does not lead to an embedded imperative analysis.

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osamu Ishiyama

It is well known that demonstratives are the cross-linguistically common source of third person pronouns due to the functional similarity between them. For this reason, they are morphologically related to or formally indistinguishable from one another in many languages. First and second person pronouns, on the other hand, typically have historical sources other than demonstratives. However, unlike the close relationship between demonstratives and third person pronouns, the fact that demonstratives and first/second person pronouns have a very tenuous diachronic relationship has not attracted much attention in previous studies. Based primarily on historical data from Japanese, the present study shows that there are at least three functional reasons why demonstratives do not usually give rise to first/second person pronouns. This study also discusses a limited context in which a demonstrative does develop into a second person pronoun.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania E. Strahan

The Scandinavian languages are very closely related but also vary syntactically in interesting ways, making this family useful in the study of typology variation. In this paper the issue of non-local reflexives, or ‘long-distance reflexives’ (LDR) is investigated. New LDR data from the Scandinavian languages is presented to show that the Binding Conditions cannot account for the variation in LDR in these languages, since the range of domains that LDR may or may not occur in in each variety varies non-hierarchically. For instance, LDR in Icelandic may be bound out of a finite complement clause but not out of a relative clause, while the reverse is true in most Norwegian dialects. Faroese allows LDR out of both clause types, but many dialects do not allow a second person pronoun to co-occur in a sentence containing LDR, which does not generally affect Icelandic or Norwegian LDR. An extension of Dalrymple's (1993) typology of anaphora, which is set within the framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar, can account for this data, using a combination of inside-out and outside-in functional uncertainty equations, on- and off-path constraints and positive and negative constraints, all of which refer to elements (potentially) found in functional-structure.


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Anna Bondaruk ◽  

This paper aims at establishing a typology of control in Irish and Polish non-finite clauses. First, seven classes of predicates taking non-finite complements in Irish and Polish are specified. They include: modal (e.g. must), aspectual (e.g. start), implicative (e.g. manage), factive (e.g. like), prepositional (e.g. say), desiderative (e.g. want) and interrogative verbs (e.g. ask). Whereas modals and aspectuals typically take raising complements, the remaining predicate classes require control complements. Control clauses in Polish always have a covert PRO subject, while in Irish their subject may be either the covert PRO or an overt DP. The PRO subject may be either obligatorily controlled or is controlled optionally. The criteria adopted in distinguishing obligatory control (OC) from non-obligatory control (NOC) are based on Landau (2000) and comprise the following: (1) a. Arbitrary Control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; b. Long-distance control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; c. Strict reading of PRO is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; d. De re reading of PRO is impossible in OC (only de se), possible in NOC. The validity of these criteria for establishing the OC/NOC contrast in Irish and Polish is scrutinised. Various contexts are examined where both these control types obtain in the two languages studied. Most notably, OC tends to occur in complement clauses, while NOC is often found in subject and adjunct clauses both in Irish and Polish. Within the class of OC, two subgroups are recognised, namely exhaustive control (EC) and partial control (PC). The former control type holds when the reference of PRO and its antecedent are identical, whereas the latter type of control is attested when the reference of PRO covers the reference of its antecedent, but is not entirely co-extensive with it, e.g.: (2) a. Maryᵢ managed [PROᵢ to win] = EC; b. Maryᵢ wanted [PRO + to meet at 6] = PC. EC and PC are found in analogous contexts in Irish and Polish. EC occurs in complements to modal, implicative and aspectual verbs, while PC is limited to complements to factive, desiderative, prepositional and interrogative predicates. It is argued that EC-complements lack independent tense specification, while PC-complements are marked for tense independent from the one expressed in the matrix clause. PC-complements both in Irish and Polish must contain a semantically plural predicate (cf. meet in (2b)), but they can never exhibit a syntactically plural element.


Author(s):  
Subur Wardoyo

In this article translation is not only confined to the linguist, but also to all strategies that represent a language to another language. The way James Fenimore Cooper translated the Indian language to English in the novel The Last of The Mohicans shows a representation of ethnic harassment manipulation of language. Cooper's translation build up the suggestion that Indians can only communicate only like children. The Indians are portrayed to only communicate by playing with their voice, music, gesture, and using the third-person pronoun to exchange dor the first-person or second-person pronoun. This harassment is correlated with the policy of Indian removal at that era


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Tira Nur Fitria

The objective of this research is to analyze the type and its examples of deixis found in the subtitle movie of “First Kiss”. This research method of this method is qualitative methodology. In data collection, the research use document analysis in this research. The result of this research shows that three types of deixis found in the subtitle movie of “First Kiss” movie such as a person, time, and place deixis. In-person deixis, the deictic expressions are the personal pronoun “I” as a singular subject pronoun, ‘Me” as singular object pronoun, “My” as a possessive adjective, “We” as a plural subject pronoun, “Us” as object pronoun, “Our” as a possessive adjective. In the second person, they are “You” as a subject and object pronoun, and “Your” as an object pronoun. The third person “He” as a subject pronoun, “Him” as object pronoun, and “His” as a possessive adjective, ‘She” as a subject pronoun, “Her” as object pronoun and as possessive adjective, “It” as subject and object pronoun. In space/spatial/place deixis, the deictic expressions are “here” and “there”. While in the temporal/time deixis, the deictic expressions are “now” and “tomorrow”.


Languages ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Matthew Callaghan ◽  
Catherine E. Travis

Structural priming has been described as a measure of association between constructions. Here, we apply priming as a diagnostic to assess the status of the Chilean second-person singular (2sg) voseo, which exists in variation with the more standard tuteo. Despite being the majority variant in informal interactions, Chileans are reported to have little metalinguistic awareness of voseo and they avoid the vos pronoun, in some cases using the tú pronoun with voseo verb forms, leading to proposals that tuteo and voseo are conflated into a single mixed form. The patterning for priming, however, indicates otherwise. Analyses of some 2000 2sg familiar tokens from a corpus of conversational Chilean Spanish reveal that a previous tuteo or voseo favors the repetition of that same form, indicating that speakers do treat these forms as distinct. We also observe that invariable forms with historically tuteo morphology are associated with neither voseo nor tuteo, while the invariable voseo discourse marker cachái ‘you know’ retains a weak association with voseo. Furthermore, while tuteo is favored with a tú subject pronoun, this effect does not override the priming effect, evidence that, even with a tú pronoun, voseo and tuteo are distinct constructions in speakers’ representations.


2007 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 125-157
Author(s):  
Szymon Słodowicz

Complement control is a well-known phenomenon in Turkish linguistics, and different proposals for analysing it are available. The majority of these treat control as a structural phenomenon, cf. Kerslake (1987), Özsoy (1987; 2001) and Kural (1998). In sum, control is predicted only in sentences with complement clauses formed with the suffixes -mEk and -mE, which can be case-marked, but the appearance of a possessive marker definitely precludes control. As far as the control relations are concerned, the research so far has attested the classical cases of subject and object control. In addition to that, variable control is discussed by Taylan (1996). The status of the controlled element is discussed by Bozşahin (in press), which concludes that the syntactic subject is appointed by this function in Turkish. In this paper I will argue that the currently established approach to control is insufficient. The shortcomings of a strictly configurational approach become clear if a broader perspective on control is adopted. I follow the approach to control outlined by Stiebels (this volume), and show that two types of control must be distinguished. Inherent control is encoded in the lexical entry of the verb. Verbs which show inherent control either select only control-inducing structures or trigger control in environments not requiring control. Structural control, on the other hand, arises through the use of a control-inducing structure with a verb which does not inherently require control. Structural control verbs show control only with control-inducing structures. No control occurs with such verbs in other configurations. The data discussed in this paper will show that control is a ‘mixed’ phenomenon, since it may arise structurally or semantically. Its explanation must therefore consider the semantics of the relevant matrix verbs and the syntactic properties of complement clauses on an equal basis.  


Author(s):  
L. A. Schwarzschild

The imperative occupies A unique position in the conjugation system. In its real function it implies the presence of a speaker issuing a command to one or more listeners, or making an order referring to a third person or persons. This means that the conjugation tends to be defective. Because of its immediate association with the speaker the imperative is generally linked with the present tense, but through its meaning it is also associated with the future tense. The uncertainty of whether a command will be carried out links the imperative with the subjunctive, while the idea of volition brings it close to the optative. These special features and varying associations make the history of the imperative extremely complex in Middle Indo-Aryan as in other languages. An attempt is made here to study two aspects of this history: the use of the subject pronoun with the imperative, and the distribution of the forms of the second person singular of the imperative. Other features of the imperative, in particular its relation to the passive, will be discussed later.


Slovene ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-243
Author(s):  
Evgeniya V. Budennaya

The article deals with the diachronic path of Russian pronoun expansion, which affected the period of the 11th–17th centuries: paki li Øpro soromit Øpro sebe svobodna > jesli on osramit — ona svobodna ‘if he rapes [the slave], she is freed’ (the treaty of 1191–1192 between Novgorod, Gotland, and the German Cities, and its modern translation). The initial trigger of this phenomenon is often attributed to the realm of the third person since the third-person auxiliary was lost first and the third-person subject pronoun massively expanded earlier than the first- and second-person subject pronouns. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the latter was caused by the former, since the new subject pronouns did not only replace the old auxiliary forms but were also detected in finite verbal clauses where no auxiliaries were ever used. To explore what exactly caused the expansion of pronouns and how this expansion took place in different types of clauses, a diachronic analysis of finite clauses with reduced subject reference was conducted, with a special focus on the type of the predicate. Within the analysis, the referential data of three different Old Russian registers—informal, official and literary—were examined and compared to each other. The results support the hypothesis of copula drop as a trigger for the expansion of pronouns and demonstrate that several intermediate stages of this process can be detected in official and literary texts, where the course of evolution was slower. Thus, only official texts allow us to discover the earlier stage of new referential pronouns substituting former verbal copulas, and only in literary works can we find the transitional elliptical pattern without pronouns or copulas, which existed before the new pronominal pattern.


Author(s):  
Pavel Caha

The term syncretism refers to a situation where two distinct morphosyntactic categories are expressed in the same way. For instance, in English, first and third person pronouns distinguish singular from plural (I vs. we, he/she/it vs. them), but the second person pronoun (you) doesn’t. Such facts are traditionally understood in a way that English grammar distinguishes between the singular and plural in all persons. However, in the second person, the two distinct meanings are expressed the same, and the form you is understood as a form syncretic between the two different grammatical meanings. It is important to note that while the two meanings are different, they are also related: both instances of you refer to the addressee. They differ in whether they refer just to the addressee or to a group including the addressee and someone else, as depicted here. a.you (sg) = addressee b.you (pl) = addressee + others The idea that syncretism reflects meaning similarity is what makes its study interesting; a lot of research has been dedicated to figuring out the reasons why two distinct categories are marked the same. There are a number of approaches to the issue of how relatedness in meaning is to be modeled. An old idea, going back to Sanskrit grammarians, is to arrange the syncretic cells of a paradigm in such a way so that the syncretic cells would always be adjacent. Modern approaches call such arrangements geometric spaces (McCreight & Chvany, 1991) or semantic maps (Haspelmath, 2003), with the goal to depict meaning relatedness as a spatial proximity in a conceptual space. A different idea is pursued in approaches based on decomposition into discrete meaning components called features (Jakobson, 1962). Both of these approaches acknowledge the existence of two different meanings, which are related. However, there are two additional logical options to the issue of syncretism. First, one may adopt the position that the two paradigm cells correspond to a single abstract meaning, and that what appear to be different meanings/functions arises from the interaction between the abstract meaning and the specific context of use (see, for instance, Kayne, 2008 or Manzini & Savoia, 2011). Second, it could be that there are simply two different meanings expressed by two different markers, which accidentally happen to have the same phonology (like the English two and too). The three approaches are mutually contradictory only for a single phenomenon, but each of them may be correct for a different set of cases.


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