scholarly journals UK-China Relations: the U.S. Factor

2021 ◽  
Vol 104 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-57
Author(s):  
Anastasia Mamedova ◽  

The article explores the evolution of the UK‟s approach to China through the lens of UK-US relations. A deeper UK-China economic partnership amid growing competition between Washington and Beijing has given rise to U.S.-UK divergences. They resulted in mounting pressure on the UK, which exacerbated under the Trump administration. The US wants to form a coalition of countries belonging to the political West (e.g., G7 and Five Eyes) to diversify supplies, decrease its dependence on Chinese goods and prevent Beijing from acquiring cutting-edge technologies. The following cases are described to explore U.S. attempts to influence Sino-British relations: the UK government‟s decision to allow Chinese investors to participate in building Hinkley Point C nuclear power station, the UK‟s accession to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, clearing Huawei technologies for use in the UK‟s 5G networks and US-UK military cooperation to exercise freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. This pressure is especially evident when U.S. national interests are directly affected, as the Huawei case shows. Moreover, the Conservative party is split when it comes to dealing with China. The UK has been trying to make the US position on China more constructive. Unlike the US, the UK‟s approach to China has been changing gradually.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Tianrun Feng

<em>The Sino-US relationship was normalized in 1979, and 1st January 2017 marks the 38th anniversary of formal diplomatic relations. Since the US-China diplomatic relationship established, they have been on through zigzags. Two governments seek cooperation in various areas, enhancing close relationships and maintaining a smooth and positive momentum of development, and have achieved a historic progress. With China’s peaceful rise and the US’s eastward shift, the relations are in face of dramatic structural contradictions and the dander of “Thucydides Trap”. Meanwhile, as the core national interests conflict intensified, a new round of strategic suspicion has been stimulated. The “Trump Administration” gives new challenges and opportunities to both countries in economy and security areas, and both government are in face of the co-exist situation of “certainty” and “uncertainty”. In the short term, two governments share both conflicts and cooperation, and in the long term, relations are forging ahead in the difficulties.</em>


Significance This is the first state visit extended to a Japanese prime minister since Junichiro Koizumi's in 2006 under the George W Bush administration. Abe was awarded the honour on April 29 of being the first Japanese prime minister to address together both houses of the US Congress. Impacts Abe has strengthened the military alliance, but fulfilling his promises to Washington will cost him political capital at home. History issues are increasingly able to cause Abe problems in the United States as well as East Asia. The economic alliance is shakier than the military one; the US Congress may still delay the TPP. Tokyo and Washington look isolated as the TPP stalls and regional governments sign up to China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.


Significance Along with the stabbing of the US ambassador to Seoul by a South Korean activist earlier this month, sharp comments from a top US official about Seoul's 'Japan-bashing', and Seoul's potential membership of a new China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), this points to new tensions in key regional relationships. Impacts Seoul's foremost challenge, alongside Pyongyang and related, is navigating between its US ally and its neighbour and trade partner, China. Fear of Pyongyang, plus annoyance at Beijing's hectoring, mean that Seoul may agree to host a missile defence battery. Parlous Seoul-Tokyo relations seriously worry Washington, but Park's falling popularity makes it hard to reverse her unbending stance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316801877003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vinícius Rodrigues Vieira

What makes states join intergovernmental organizations intended to challenge a hegemon? The China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), founded in June 2015, targets the primacy of the US-led Asian Development Bank (ADB) in the Asia-Pacific region, and is a crucial case for answering this question. I argue that early AIIB members are likely to be politically distant from the US in both international and domestic terms. In contrast, subsequent states seeking AIIB membership include democratic states, existing ADB members and countries internationally aligned with the US, as measured by voting similarity at the United Nations General Assembly. Through logit models, I test these propositions and analyze which states adhered to the 2014 Memorandum of Understanding that signaled Beijing’s willingness to form the Bank and which states joined the AIIB subsequently at its foundation in 2015. The results support my claim that early members tend to score low in democratic governance, while late members are US allies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (03) ◽  
pp. 99-101
Author(s):  
John WONG ◽  
Tai Wei LIM

China has been conducting its economic diplomacy with strong financial muscles. With its vast foreign reserves, both trade surplus and capital account surplus, China became the world’s third largest source of foreign direct investment and provided half of the US$450 billion start-up capital for the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. China has also learnt that economic diplomacy, to be effective and viable in the long run, has to abide by certain essential market rules.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 307-316
Author(s):  
Azka Gull ◽  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Shujat Ali

The objective of diplomacy is to advance a country's national interests; Public Diplomacy(PD) achieves this aim by communicating directly with the foreign publics and ultimately influencing their governments. Major global actors including the US, UK, China, South Korea, and India, utilize public diplomacy as a foreign policy instrument. All these countries have developed cohesive policies and strategies to conduct public diplomacy. Pakistan can also utilize public diplomacy to fulfil its foreign policy objectives. This research article analyzes the public diplomacy strategy of Pakistan along with the UK, US, China, South Korea and India in order to identify the various strategies and tools adopted by these states. This research only investigates public diplomacy policy and strategy; the outcome of these efforts are not discussed. Distinctive aspects and instruments of PD strategies of all six countries are recognized, along with drawing lessons for an effective PD strategy in Pakistan. This research concludes that Pakistan can adopt certain effective elements from public diplomacy practices of other states and develop a cohesive and sound PD strategy of its own.


2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Liang Fook LYE

Amidst growing protectionist and anti-globalisation sentiments, China has led the call for a free, open and inclusive multilateral order. It supports a multilateral trading regime, a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. It has launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank where it wields significant veto power. China is pushing for a new regional security architecture. While shaping the international order, China is upholding its sovereign claims over the South China Sea and Taiwan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-92
Author(s):  
Neena Verma

Architecture in these times is an architecture at risk. I will argue here that the recent trajectory of the field has been a harbinger of the political populism that generated the Trump administration in the US, Brexit in the UK, the Swiss People's Party, Marine Le Pen's Front National, Germany's Alternative für Deutschland, Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, and other such inverse majority movements. What might be called an emerging architectural populism has led to a situation where our careful art is at risk of becoming its inverse: an architecture without architects. In response, I will argue that this is our moment – this is when we reclaim our field in the only way we can – this is when we create architecture.


2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (04) ◽  
pp. 127-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Beijing's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank appears to be a “game changer” in the political economy of East Asia. In an era when the US superpower and Japan are facing fiscal problems, China has ample funds to woo Asian states seeking economic development. Notwithstanding its maritime disputes in the South China Sea with some ASEAN states, Beijing has offered the carrot of development as a means to serve its geopolitical ends.


2017 ◽  
pp. 3-5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip G. Altbach ◽  
Hans De Wit

The advent of the Trump Administration in the US along with Brexit in the UK and other changes in Europe will bring a major set of changes to internationalization.  The US and the UK will be seen as less attractive for international students. It is likely that the immigration and visa restrictions will grow. Governmental support for programs such as Fulbright and ERASMUS are likely to be cut back. Perhaps most important, the spirit of internationalization in higher education is likely to change.


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