scholarly journals UK-Turkey Relationship in Light of Brexit

2021 ◽  
pp. 24-31
Author(s):  
Kira Godovanyuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
The Uk

The 2016 UK EU membership referendum has been a catalyst for a stronger political dialogue between Turkey and Britain. The countries have taken a firm line of strategic partnership which meets the interests of both parties to strengthen their international positions. In late December 2020, the parties managed to forge a trade agreement envisaging most of the previously established rules. At the same time, a full-scale trade agreement is hampered by Ankara’s obligations within the EU Customs Union and Preferential agreements. Turkey occupies an important place in the new foreign strategy of the UK. London considers Ankara, which is pursuing an increasingly tough policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Black Sea region, as a situational ally in strengthening its international positions weakened by Brexit. The author notes that the declared strategic partnership in the political sphere has a number of limitations associated with the conflict potential of relations between Turkey and the European Union, as well as the growing importance of the values factor in British foreign policy. The UK actually needs to find a balance between other international players in the Brussels-London-Ankara triangle for its own geopolitical and economic goals. The nature of British-Turkish relations is of considerable interest to Russia.

scholarly journals Trade and Cooperation Agreement Between the EU and the UK: Conditionality Versus Sovereignty

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Babynina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Economic Losses ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
British Case ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The United Kingdom left the European Union on January 31, 2020. On December 31, 2020, the transition period ended, during which all EU rules and regulations applied to Britain. The trade agreement was reached in record time, but it is too early to talk about long-term mutual benefits. The British case in the system of trade and economic agreements of the European Union is unique. On the one hand, at the time of the negotiations, the UK retained EU law, was a member of the EU Single Internal Market and Customs Union, subject to the jurisdiction of the EU Court of Justice. On the other hand, the EU for the first time found itself in a situation when a third country was determined to distance itself as much as possible from EU rules while concluding a trade agreement, despite the obvious economic losses. At the same time, both sides understood that the absence of an agreement threatened all interested actors with serious losses, and that it must be concluded. As a result, the compromise text of the TCA reflects the fundamentally different approaches of the parties to bilateral cooperation, and its provisions suggest a change of its format in the future.

scholarly journals “THE SILENT THREAT” – CHINA’S GEOPOLITICAL “GAME” IN THE BLACK SEA REGION

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 250-273
Author(s):  
Alba Iulia Catrinel
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
Belt And Road

Since the 2000s, China has become an increasingly visible presence in Europe. In the last 20 years, China has signed an extended strategic partnership with the European Union,developed the 17 + 1 platform, of strategic cooperation with the Eastern European corridor states, invested heavily in the European economy and diversified its soft-power means of action. In this context, the states of the Black Sea region are implicitly targeted by China's interests and actions. How large is China's presence in the Black Sea region? What are the objectives of China's geopolitical game in the Black Sea region? Do they belong to an independent game?Or are they part of a much more complex strategy, which aims at a major reconfiguration of global spheres of influence?Keywords: Black Sea region, China, 17 + 1 format, Belt and Road Initiative, Ukraine, Georgia,Danube estuary, Chinese "belt" of the Black Sea.

scholarly journals The UK’s Strategic Partnership with China beyond Brexit: Economic Opportunities Facing Political Constraints

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Irwin Crookes ◽  
John Farnell
Keyword(s):  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Management ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Political Constraints ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
The Uk

This analysis examines the opportunities and challenges facing the United Kingdom (UK) government in building a closer economic partnership with China beyond Brexit. While showing how the goals of each side overlap in key areas of mutual interest, evidence is presented to explain how fundamental imbalances persist in trade and investment relations due to China’s economic management system. The authors further argue that political constraints imposed on the UK by the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) as economic partners will constrain the British government’s room for manoeuvre when negotiating with the Chinese. The analysis identifies potential modalities for achieving some improvement in UK-China bilateral links by drawing on the outcome of the Switzerland-China Free Trade Agreement but concludes that political factors will continue to limit outcomes and that a major transformation of UK-China economic relations is not a realistic prospect for the foreseeable future.

The Turkey-UK Free Trade Agreement in Terms of Economic Diplomacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
Kaan Yiğenoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Free Trade Agreements ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
The Uk

This article scrutinizes relations between economic diplomacy and free trade agreements by focusing on the Turkey-UK free trade agreements which came into force in 2021. Accordingly, the article first introduces the concept of economic diplomacy, an important issue as it has been shown that bilateral trade agreements, nowadays preferred by many countries, can be used as a tool of economic diplomacy. The article then discusses the history and development of free trade agreements signed by Turkey, including its long-running experience of economic integration with the European Union. Although Turkey began establishing free trade agreements in the 1990s, it has been concentrating on and accelerating its use since 2000. Based on economic and political reasons underlying the free economic agreements, the reasons why Turkey and the UK have reached such an agreement are summarized. Economic relations between the two countries are then analyzed and the details of the agreement are investigated in the context of the changes that it provides.

scholarly journals BREXIT IMPLICATIONS FOR AGRI-FOOD TRADE BETWEEN POLAND AND THE UK

2019 ◽  
Vol XXI (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599
Author(s):  
Aldona Zawojska
Keyword(s):  
Lower Cost ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Food Products ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Doing Business ◽  
Central Statistical ◽  
Central Statistical Office ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The article is a contribution to the discussion on the anticipated consequences of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union for Poland’s trade relations with this country, with particular emphasis on the likely impacts of a hard or no-deal Brexit on Polish exporters. Its aim is to provide readers with an understanding of how agri-food flows between Poland and the UK (especially Poland’s exports) could be affected once the UK departs the EU. The question is important considering that, in recent years, the UK has been the second biggest importer and a net importer of agricultural and food products from Poland. The study is based on trade data from the UN Comtrade Database and Poland’s Central Statistical Office, and on tariff data from the UK’s Department for International Trade. Taking into account the possible imposition of customs duties announced thus far by the British government on the import of agri-food products from third countries in the event of a no-trade agreement with the EU, the introduction of additional non-tariff barriers, as well as increased transactional (friction) costs and complexity of doing business with foreign partners, a hard Brexit would have serious implications for Poland’s fast growing agri-food exports to the UK. It would even lead to a collapse of some Polish supplies, particularly of meat and dairy commodities, to Great Britain. The loss of two-way preferences in trade now arising from participation in the EU single market will undermine the competitiveness of Polish producers on UK’s market both against British producers and lower cost exporters from outside the EU.

Mit zweierlei Maß. Der Adriaraum als Laboratorium spätmittelalterlicher Praktiken des Slaving / Two Degrees of Bondage: The Venetian Adriatic Sea as a Laboratory for European Practices and Discourses of Slavery

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliane Schiel
Keyword(s):  
Adriatic Sea ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Turn Of The Millennium ◽  
Commercial Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The Balkans

AbstractIt is usually held that by the turn of the millennium Latin Christians stopped enslaving their fellow-believers from within Europe. Scholars have therefore tended to define the late medieval type of domestic slaves in Italian and Iberian households, most of whom had been traded from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea region to Europe, by their cultural and religious difference. Yet, the numerous Christians from the Balkans who came across the Adriatic Sea to the West (and especially to Venice) clearly complicate the picture. They were mostly under twelve years of age and could be purchased at a very low price. The paper examines the commercial policy of the Venetian Senate in respect of the Adriatic human trafficking and sounds the strategies Venetian merchants used in order to pursue their interests, within and outside the legal framework set by the state authorities East and West of the Adriatic Sea.

scholarly journals CAN TURKISH AND US CO-OPERATION IN THE BLACK SEA REGION INCREASE EFFICIENCY GAINS?

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Sedat AYBAR
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Efficiency Gains ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

This paper examines the impact of co-operation between Turkey and  the US upon Turkish trade and investments towards the Black Sea  region. The study is particularly important in the conjuncture of the  US withdrawal from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and in the wake of signing a free  trade agreement with the EU. An additional matter of importance  relates to the improved Turkey – Russia economic collaboration especially after the “jet” incident and American  involvement with the Middle East. Significant part of the latter is  economic as the US has also explicit economic interests in the  Eastern Meditteranean. A gravity model has been employed using  ordinary least squares on a panel data with fixed effects to analyse aggregate trade. We have also categorized export groups of  Turkey and the US separately. Our findings for both Turkish and the US exports indicate that per-capita GDP of Black Sea countries are  highly persistent and positively correlated with increased efficiency  gains and trade volumes. Regression results show that the US  exports to the EU member countries are on average less than to  those non-EU member Black Sea countries. Hence, we question  whether a possible co-operation between the US and Turkish  companies can help gaining better access to the Black Sea market for their exports.

scholarly journals THE LESSONS FROM THE EURO EXPERIENCE

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Richard Griffiths
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Free Trade Area ◽  
Economic And Monetary Union ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact

Twenty years ago, amid a great fanfare of enthusiasm, the Treaty of Maastricht created the European union and inaugurated the process for creating a single European currency for most of the then members (except the UK and Sweden, and later Denmark, that were given a temporary exemption) and all future members. Twenty years later, the anniversary of the treaty passed almost unnoticed (European Policy Centre, 2012). On that day, however, the impact of the treaty was never far from the headlines, as had also been the case for almost every day over the previous months. The Lehman brothers bankruptcy in September 2008 not only triggered a financial crisis that threatened to engulf the world, but it set in motion a series of shocks that have since reverberated through the Euro-area. It is fair to say that the crisis-management has not been an example of stream-lined efficiency, and there are lessons to be learned from that experience.However, the development of the Euro, and the crisis that has subsequently engulfed it, holds lessons in another direction. The European Union has long been held as a model, or an inspiration, for other experiments in regional cooperation and integration, including Mercosul, ASEAN and SADC. The model embodied an sequence of steps leading to ‘ever closer union’ that moved from a free trade area through a customs union and a single market and culminated in economic and monetary union. With the signing and implementation of the Treaty of Maastricht, the European Union had embarked on the penultimate step in this progression. But only half of it – a monetary union without a fiscal union. The Euro-crisis has now called that achievement into question and, in the process, undermined the authority of those espousing a European route towards closer integration, both for themselves as well as for other nations. As a convinced federalist, myself, I would not recommend abandoning the European example altogether, but if there is a lesson to be learned from this sorry episode, it is this: “if you are going to do it, do not do it this way”.This article examines the European experience with economic and monetary union from three perspectives – the design, the implementation and the management of the euro – before exploring the implications of the current crisis.

A novel institution: the Zollverein and the origins of the customs union

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Florian Ploeckl
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Institutional Form ◽  
Welfare Gains ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
Multilateral Negotiations ◽  
German States ◽  
Reservation Prices

Abstract The Zollverein, the outcome of sequential negotiations between Prussia and other sovereign German states in 1834, was the first international customs union, the template for modern ones such as the European Union. This paper applies a bargaining model to analyse the logic behind the creation of this novel institutional form and the choice of sequential rather than multilateral negotiations. The existence of negative coalition externalities, the effects of new coalitions on non-participants, led the agenda setter, Prussia, to choose sequential over multilateral negotiations as that lowered the membership reservation prices of the other states involved. Institutionally, the features of a customs union structure provided a higher payoff for the agenda setter than capturing the welfare gains from the differential tariff setting in a free trade agreement, explaining the emergence of this novel institutional structure on an international scale.

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