Nationalism, Not Islam

Author(s):  
Faridullah Bezhan

Wish Zalmiyan or the ‘Awaken Youth Party’ (AYP) was the first political party to operate openly in Afghanistan. It enjoyed support from the intelligentsia and the monarchical regime. The AYP’s key ideological elements were nationalism and constitutionalism. While they made the party popular with a segment of the ruling elite and the intelligentsia, they brought resentment from the religious establishment for which Islam was the only ideology to be followed and the Quran the only constitution the country needed. This chapter examines how, in the aftermath of World War II, most members of the urban Afghan educated class leaned towards nationalism and constitutionalism as the driving forces for new political dynamics and the progress of the country. It explores what type of nationalism the Wish Zalmiyan party was advocating.

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 949-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Higley ◽  
Jan Pakulski

Abstract Using Machiavelli’s metaphors, Vilfredo Pareto theorized that over time psychosocial propensities of ruling elites – manifested by predominant personality traits, mentalities, beliefs, and actions – are those of “foxes” or “lions”. Either propensity renders a ruling elite, especially its leaders, prone to bias, closure, and cumulating blunders. This degenerative process leads to a severe economic-political crisis and wide elite circulation, during which groups and persons disposed toward the opposite propensity gain power. Pareto’s theory has much intuitive appeal, but its breadth and elasticity, together with the empirically elusive qualities of elites, risk tendentious applications. Taking this risk, we examine what through Pareto’s lens appear to be cycles of circulation and degeneration among American and British elites since shortly after World War II.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-33
Author(s):  
Anita Kurimay

The article examines the historical processes and the motivations of contemporary Hungarian politicians to officially rehabilitate the memory of Cécile Tormay, the internationally acclaimed writer and founder of Hungary’s conservative women’s movement. Through tracing the politics of remembering Tormay since World War II, it demonstrates how Tormay’s recent reemergence as a new national icon was intimately tied to a decisive shift in the direction of Hungarian politics from a pro-Western stance to one that is openly hostile towards Western liberalism. Tormay, part of the ruling elite in the authoritarian interwar Horthy regime, was a fierce anticommunist, antisemite, and staunch nationalist who rallied Hungarians to reclaim territories lost after World War I. Already a national icon, Tormay became a central protagonist of one of the largest interwar political scandals in which she was accused of homosexuality and sleeping with the wives of high aristocrats. Yet, stunningly, neither during the interwar years nor since 1989 has the scandal around her alleged homosexuality stopped centre right and increasingly right wing (Fidesz) and far right (Jobbik) politicians from embracing her as Hungary’s ideal patriotic female figure of the past century. Such a paradox, the article contends, can be explained by these regimes’ different approaches to public and private sexuality. By making Tormay’s private sexuality irrelevant, both the interwar and post-socialist conservative governments could hold up Tormay’s public vision of anticommunism, antisemitism, nationalism, and traditional gender norms as their own.


Res Publica ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 663-669
Author(s):  
Jan Ceuleers

From November 16, 1945 tilt ]anuary 8, 1946, the Flemish wing of the UDB (Unie der Democratische Belgen ; Fr. : Union Démocratique belge; E. : Union of Democratie Belgians), a newly founded political party, published a newspaper in Dutch «De Nieuwe Wereld».An analysis of articles and columns indicates the options the UDB intended to follow : rather leftist but rejecting the traditional party system and religious adherence as a lawful issue for political discussion and action, solliciting people's union as an acquisition earned during World War II by opposing the German occupation.Presumably due to financial shortcoming, the newspaper subsisted only two months.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 645-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Brown

Recent criticism of mental health policy has raised many questions about the so-called “mental health revolution.” Following World War II, the federal government and the growing mental health lobby planned the first nationally oriented system of psychiatric treatment, rehabilitation, and prevention. The rapidly expanding National Institute of Mental Health coordinated that policy, particularly through its Community Mental Health Centers program. Custodial state hospitals were depopulated and their patients “dumped” in nursing and boarding homes, which now constitute the largest arena for and most expensive form of psychiatric care. While there has been some progress in decreasing the hospital population and in improving conditions, as well as in providing services to certain people who otherwise would never receive them, failures have been more dominant. Admission and readmission rates have climbed precipitously. Unplanned hospital discharge has led to hundreds of thousands of ex-patients living in dangerous, nontherapeutic nursing homes where the main concern is profit. They, and many others, are maintained on psychiatric drugs, another source of profit as well as a dangerous technology. Community mental health programs have maintained psychiatry's traditional class, race, and sex biases, and have incurred widespread intrusion into communities. This article shows that such problems are part of an interconnected system in which the driving forces are fiscal crisis, ideological justifications for dumping patients, attempts to pass responsibility from state governments to federal and local bodies, restrictions on government and insurance reimbursements, the free enterprise economics of the nursing home and drug industries, and the professionalist practices of the mental health field.


Pneuma ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Halldorf

AbstractThis article presents and analyzes the life and work of Lewi Pethrus (1884-1974), the leader of the Swedish Pentecostal movement. The argument is that Pethrus created a Christian counterculture in the midst of a secularized Western society. Although a radical congregationalist skeptical toward organization, Pethrus spent most of his life building institutions. The first institutions he created were for the benefit of the spiritual life of Pentecostal congregations and churches. These included a publishing house, an edifying journal, a hymn book, and a school for evangelism. During World War II, however, Nazism and Communism made Pethrus attentive to the dangers of secularization. He now began founding institutions that were part of the broader civil society, such as a daily newspaper, a radio station, a bank, and a political party. His goal was to turn Sweden into a Christian society. He did not achieve this, but what he did leave was the legacy of a Christian counterculture.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (S17) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
NurŞen Gürboğa

SummaryThis study examines the forms of state domination over mine labour and the struggles of coalminers at the Zonguldak coalfield during World War II. It is focused on the everyday experiences of compulsory workers as reflected in petitions by those workers and the surveillance materials of the single-party regime at the time. Its aim is to reveal how, under an authoritarian regime, compulsory workers created a political agency. The compulsory labour system was one of the most coercive devices with which the state controlled mine labour between 1940 and 1947, but the compulsory workers negotiated with the political elite for their living and working conditions, and did so within a political sphere which had been devised by the ruling elite as a governmental strategy for managing and shaping the population. By subverting the political discourse of the ruling elite, the miners contributed not just to the development of workers’ rights, but also helped reveal the merits of a democratic society.


Author(s):  
ANTON HRUBOŇ ◽  
PETER MIČKO

Slovak minority has been co-creating a multicultural character of contemporary Serbia since the first half of the 18th century. The Slovaks living in former Yugoslavia as an integral part of the Yugoslav society also had to experience the turbulent events at the turn of the 1930s and 1940s. After the Axis invasion and destruction of Yugoslavia in April 1941 the Slovak community, historically settled in Bačka, Banat and Srem, was divided into three countries/occupational zones. Slovaks living in Srem became the citizens of independent Croatia, Slovaks living in Bačka became the citizens of the Hungarian Kingdom and Slovaks from Banat lived in territories under direct German occupation. The paper portrays main features of this minority’s political and cultural life in wartime Yugoslavia and its territories under foreign occupation, core problems of existence within changing regimes and the attitude of the Slovak minority towards the Slovak State (Slovak Republic) established on 14 March 1939 with an emphasis on religiously motivated conflicts between the mostly Lutheran Slovak minority in Yugoslavia and the Catholic regime of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (the ruling and only allowed political party in the Slovak State/Republic).


2020 ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
MALKHAZ CHIKOBAVA

The article presents a comparative analysis of the Great Depression of the 1930s and the current global financial and economic crisis. It is emphasized that overcoming the first great depression and eliminating imbalances in the economy was achieved only during the Second World War, and the modern crisis, which has been raging for 11 years, has not yet ended. This crisis was not followed by the elimination of all imbalances accumulated in the economy. After the acute phase (recession) ended in 2009, stagnation (depression) occurred, which needed to be restored. We have been waiting for a revival for many years, now 2020, but it is not visible. Comparing the crisis of the 30s of the last century and the current global financial and economic crisis, the following differences are obvious: stagnation in the 1930s lasted from 1933 to 1939, or six years that ultimately ended in World War II. After the crisis of 2007-2009, stagnation continued for 11 years, with depression almost two times longer and more delayed. Despite the fact that in a sense, the situation in Western countries is better in the 21st century than in the 1930s, since there is no longer the Soviet Union with its dynamically developing economy, but China has unprecedentedly high rates of economic growth. The thirty-year economic dynamics of China can definitely be called a boom phase. Not a single country in the West has experienced such a long boom in the history of capitalism. It is clear that in such a situation the West must do something. Of course, the West, through war, has repeatedly overcome the accursed resistance of the capitalist rule of production. But with the help of war, overcoming the contradiction of capitalism today is deadly dangerous. The first two world war occurred without the use of nuclear weapons or any other weapons of mass destruction. The third world war, of course, will be accompanied by the inevitable use of weapons of mass destruction. And therefore, it is necessary to change something in the world war, which will magically help correct the imbalance of the capitalist economy, revive it, and maintain the status quo of the ruling elite. An alternative to a hot war can be the Cold War, which today they prefer to call hybrid. It involves the use of financial, commercial, economic, psychological and information resources. However, all this is not enough to provide the authorities with powers that would allow them to move from market methods to administrative-command methods of managing the economy. It is with the help of the latter that the imbalance that has accumulated in the economy can be overcome. It is in this context that Coronavirus “appears” as an alternative to the global war to eliminate the imbalances accumulated in the leading economies of the world.


Urban History ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUNICHI HASEGAWA

ABSTRACTThis article examines the infilling of canals constructed in early modern times and subsequent development on newly created land in central Tokyo in the 1950s, following the curtailment of official war-damage reconstruction after World War II. New developments included a high-rise central station building, a four-storey amusement complex, an underground entertainment street and an elevated motorway. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government and Japanese National Railways were driving forces in infilling and development, which resulted in enormous political and social reactions in the local communities, newspapers and the National Diet (Parliament).


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