Het kortstondig bestaan van De Nieuwe Wereld : democratisch dagblad

Res Publica ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 663-669
Author(s):  
Jan Ceuleers
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
World War

From November 16, 1945 tilt ]anuary 8, 1946, the Flemish wing of the UDB (Unie der Democratische Belgen ; Fr. : Union Démocratique belge; E. : Union of Democratie Belgians), a newly founded political party, published a newspaper in Dutch «De Nieuwe Wereld».An analysis of articles and columns indicates the options the UDB intended to follow : rather leftist but rejecting the traditional party system and religious adherence as a lawful issue for political discussion and action, solliciting people's union as an acquisition earned during World War II by opposing the German occupation.Presumably due to financial shortcoming, the newspaper subsisted only two months.

Nationalism, Not Islam

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faridullah Bezhan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Religious Establishment

Wish Zalmiyan or the ‘Awaken Youth Party’ (AYP) was the first political party to operate openly in Afghanistan. It enjoyed support from the intelligentsia and the monarchical regime. The AYP’s key ideological elements were nationalism and constitutionalism. While they made the party popular with a segment of the ruling elite and the intelligentsia, they brought resentment from the religious establishment for which Islam was the only ideology to be followed and the Quran the only constitution the country needed. This chapter examines how, in the aftermath of World War II, most members of the urban Afghan educated class leaned towards nationalism and constitutionalism as the driving forces for new political dynamics and the progress of the country. It explores what type of nationalism the Wish Zalmiyan party was advocating.

Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Second World

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.

scholarly journals Political masculinities and Brexit

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Higgins
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
The European Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Discourses ◽  
British Experience ◽  
The Right

Abstract This article examines the discourses of masculinity to pervade debates on the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union. The article outlines an association between excessive forms of masculinity and popular cultural discourses around conflict and war, constructing and reproducing a popular lexicon on the British experience of World War II in ways that are widely interpreted as symptomatic of a coarsening of political discussion. However, the article also emphasises the performative quality of these masculine discourses in line with the personalisation of politics, and stresses the scope for contestation and ridicule. The article thereby identifies the articulation of a performative masculinity with a nation-based politics of the right. While disputable and occasionally subject to derision, this produces a gendered component in any antagonistic turn in contemporary political culture.

scholarly journals Government vs opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta since World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Random Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Insight Into

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.

scholarly journals MODERNIZATION OF JAPAN’S POLITICAL SYSTEM: FROM MILITARISM TO NEOLIBERAL DEMOCRACY

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (50) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Mykolaivna Herasina
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Structure Functions ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
World War ◽  
The Government

After Japan’s defeat in World War II, its political system underwent a gradual modernization from militarism to neoliberal democracy. Radical changes in the structure, functions and the nature of the country political system differed in special political and legal aspects: in the form of the government, parliamentarism, a party system, governance. During this period, Japan went from a bureaucratic authoritarian system to a modern, conciliatory political system.

The Nationalization of political parties and party systems in post-communist Eastern Europe

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 77-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Tiemann
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Nation States

Party system nationalization is a crucial aspect of political competition. The territories of Eastern Europe have often been characterized by outstanding levels of territorial heterogeneity. However, during and after World War II ethnic cleansing and forced migration resulted in more homogeneous nation states, and these trends were significantly reinforced by bureaucratic, centralized communist rule. I present a systematic empirical assessment of party and party system homogeneity or heterogeneity in post-communist Eastern Europe and will discuss some major macrosociological and institutional factors determining the degree of party and party system nationalization such as the political consequences of social diversity and political cleavages, legacies of the communist regimes, electoral systems, and federalism.

Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark E. Spicka
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Miracle ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Christian Social Union

Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.

A growing impact of new parties

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 475-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Emanuele ◽  
Alessandro Chiaramonte
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
System Innovation ◽  
World War ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The One

Despite the large body of literature on the emergence and success of new political parties in Western Europe, few, if any, attention has been paid to investigate new parties from a systemic perspective, therefore exploring their potential effects on party systems. This article focuses on party system innovation (PSInn), defined as the aggregate level of ‘newness’ recorded in a party system at a given election. After having reviewed the extant literature on the topic, the article discusses what a new party is and provides a new index to measure PSInn. The article analyses the evolution of PSInn across 324 elections held in 19 West European countries from 1945 to 2015 and its cumulative effects over time. Although in most countries the party landscape today is still very similar to the one appearing after World War II, data offer clear evidence of a sharp increase of innovation in the last few years.

scholarly journals Local Political Parties in an Age of Change

1994 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 533-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Frendreis ◽  
Alan R. Gitelson
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
First Century ◽  
Popular Press ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
The Past ◽  
Scholarly Publications

Few American political institutions have prompted as much research, controversy, and debate during the post-World War II era as have political parties. In turn, few institutions have seen their demise (Broder 1971; Sundquist 1982; Crotty 1984; Wattenberg 1990, 1991) and, alternately, their re-juvenation (Schlesinger 1985; Kayden and Mahe 1985; Pomper 1981; Price 1984; Gitelson, Conway, and Feigert 1984) reported so often in scholarly publications, textbooks, and the popular press. Gibson and his colleagues suggested in 1985 that “[t]he last twenty years have not been kind to American political parties” (1985, 139), and, as we approach the twenty-first century, many scholars would agree that the past four decades have been marked by a volatile and changing party system.

Lewi Pethrus and the Creation of a Christian Counterculture

Pneuma ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Halldorf
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Publishing House ◽  
Radio Station ◽  
Western Society ◽  
World War ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Pentecostal Movement ◽  
Christian Society

AbstractThis article presents and analyzes the life and work of Lewi Pethrus (1884-1974), the leader of the Swedish Pentecostal movement. The argument is that Pethrus created a Christian counterculture in the midst of a secularized Western society. Although a radical congregationalist skeptical toward organization, Pethrus spent most of his life building institutions. The first institutions he created were for the benefit of the spiritual life of Pentecostal congregations and churches. These included a publishing house, an edifying journal, a hymn book, and a school for evangelism. During World War II, however, Nazism and Communism made Pethrus attentive to the dangers of secularization. He now began founding institutions that were part of the broader civil society, such as a daily newspaper, a radio station, a bank, and a political party. His goal was to turn Sweden into a Christian society. He did not achieve this, but what he did leave was the legacy of a Christian counterculture.

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