Post-cold War Ethiopian Land Policy and State Power in Land Commercialisation

Land policy is one of the issues that affects the lives of millions of people in Ethiopia. The main purpose of this chapter is to explore how the policy has become instrumental for state land commercialisation after the 1991 regime change when the guerrilla fighter group—the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—took power by overthrowing the military dictatorial government. Based on the data gathered from various sources, the chapter argues that the government has implemented different land policies, all of which were used to strengthen state power over land ownership. This state land monopolisation assisted the government to commercialise land by developing state-sponsored institutions that have been catalysing the process of land transaction in favour of large-scale commercial farming. At the beginning of its coming to power, the EPRDF-led government promised to overhaul the land policy of the country with the objective to ensure fair access to land for the citizens. In the meantime, however, all the legal frameworks were directed towards the strengthening of state power over land. This state domination over land ownership brought about several unintended outcomes, such as corruption and unfair access to the land, which, in turn, resulted in mistrust between the state and society.

THE WORLD BETWEEN THE GLOBALIZATION, DEMOCRATIZATION, AND DISINTEGRATIVE GLOBALISM

The study problematizes the democratic consequences of globalization and conceptualizes attention to the fact that an adversary process of disintegration occurs in parallel with integration and globalization. It further distinguishes between globalization as an objective historical process and globalism as adverse domination. In order to reverse the resistance against globalization, active policies are required in opposite directions: strengthening democracy above the level of the nation-state and investing efforts in local economic development. Globalization can regulate through international agencies, although it cannot be sufficiently democratic. Globalization causes the weakness of national borders, restriction of state domination on information stream and traditional borders, and broadcast of democratic values by new communication instrumentals that stable democracy to favorite aim and too success method in people minds. However, globalization strengthens democratization, political, cultural, and social transformation. World citizenship necessarily presupposes creating a new political identity, and cosmopolitanism must show how this identity can be achieved without a democratic deficit or a bureaucratic-oligarchic plethora. It is essential to build a theory of globalization by understanding what is arising in various spheres separately. The world cannot be governed based on several abstract ideological principles such as liberalization, privatization, and monetarism - insofar as the hegemonism policies' philosophy. After a certain level of development, the Soviet Union could no longer be successfully managed from one center, converting even less powerful globally. The consequences of centralism are rough, inadequate, belated solutions that do not consider the specifics (historical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic, psychological) of regions (Balkans, Muslim World, Latin America) and any particular nation-state. Each of which must have a different development strategy. The events like Arab Spring should advance for democratization in non-democratic regions because freedom, equality, and justice are common values between people that are hidden in democracy nature.

Cadre parents and their entrepreneur children? The dual-track intergenerational reproduction of elites in China: 1978–2010

This article documents and conceptualizes a mode of reproduction of elites in a society in transition from state domination to market orientation. By focusing on China’ marketization, we explore how parents’ advantageous backgrounds have influenced the chance of their children’s attainment of certain elite positions (administrative, technocratic, or market) and whether these patterns have varied across three periods (1978–1992, 1993–2002, and 2003–2010). Using data obtained from the 2011 China Social Survey, we find that although parents’ advantageous status has a persistent effect on children’s status attainment, the reproduction of the state elite and market elite still follows two separate tracks: the children of cadres do not show significant advantage in the process of becoming entrepreneurs and managerial elites, and the children of entrepreneurial and managerial elites are less likely to join cadres. We also find that the effects of the reproduction model are still enhanced and shaped by state power in different periods. These findings demonstrate the important interplay between family background and contextual inequality and give a deeper understanding of the different trajectories of elites in contemporary China.

Title IX at 50: Legitimating state domination of women’s sport

At Title IX’s 50th anniversary we address the contradictions embedded in liberal state reform. This anniversary provides a juncture to consider the limitations of seeking gender liberation through the state. While US law is often credited with revolutionizing athletic access for girls and women, we trace how the state stymied greater transformation efforts. Using poststructuralist and Black feminist state critiques, we show how Title IX utilized an assimilation approach to equity by inviting state domination into women’s sports. This invitation expanded state power across four domains— definitional, protective, surveillance, and economic—which retained rather than disrupted heteropatriarchal, White, capitalist, dominance. We conclude with suggestions to reignite a movement for women's liberation that reimagines gender-equitable sports beyond the state's control for the forthcoming 50 years.

Is Modern Sectarianism a Product of Secularisation?

This chapter discusses the relationship between modern sectarianism and secularization. It argues that neither the Arab nor the Islamic World more generally was exempt historically from secularization as a process of differentiation. It observes that in the Arab Mashreq, secularization has been imposed from above via the state, and has been interpreted as an abandonment of, or assault on, the religious culture of the majority. It has taken the form of state domination of religion without a struggle over state neutrality in the religious sphere. This chapter also presents how the secularization process in modernity has played a complex role. Sometimes it has been given expression by an expanding state power with no need for religious legitimacy and the shrinking social significance of religion. In other times, top-down secularization coupled with the failure to build a nation on the basis of citizenship can trigger both political religiosity and political sectarianism.

The strategy of state formation of Islam after the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate (In the context of thoughts of Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi and thoughts of Allama Dr. Muhammad Iqbal)

The first revelation from the Prophet (SAW) was received in 610 A.D. and after the migration to Madinah in 622 A.D., the state of Madinah was established. Thereafter, the four Muslim caliphates (Khilafah Rashida, Khilafah Banu Umayyad, Khilafah Banu Abbas and Khilafah Banu Uthman) formulated a global system of welfare for all humanity without distinction of colour, race, religion or creed for about twelve centuries. At the same time, this global system based on the state authority of the religion of Islam is falling prey to global imperialist and tyrannical conspiracies. Now, what will be the form of national and international state domination of the religion of Islam? Attempts have been made to trace the views of two eminent thinkers, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi (1872-1944) and Allama Dr Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938).

A Parallel Approach to Water Stewardship Planning

The professional practice of planning and the state-controlled mechanisms under which western-science planning operate offer little to improve the lives of Indigenous people and their communities. Arguably, western-science planning along with its many legal tools, collectively reproduce existing colonial relations in the interest of state domination over, and suppression of, Indigenous people. In this paper, we describe a different planning model, one that Viswanathan (2019) refers to as “parallel planning”, wherein Indigenous planning principles are practiced in parallel to western-science planning, with each approach informing, and complementing, the other. Our case example is from the Saskatchewan River Delta wherein Indigenous values nested in traditional knowledge in the land and water are the centrepiece of a planning process supported by the western-science planning framework. Challenges facing this approach will be discussed alongside suggestions on how these challenges may be overcome.

Fits and Starts

This chapter deals with the term of the Committee of Information from 1947 to 1949, which introduced a variety of proposals for accountability. It points out how solid Western state domination of the General Assembly and the states' manipulation of UN procedure prevented much of the proposals for accountability from being accomplished. It details the importance of the Cold War in shaping discussion of the UN role in the nontrust dependent territories as the Soviet bloc worked to use colonialism as a propaganda weapon against the West across UN forums. The chapter outlines proponents of an activist UN role in the Chapter XI territories built on the creation of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Transmission of Information to advance a variety of proposals for accountability. It looks at the Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, Berlin Blockade, creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and other international developments that marked the superpower confrontation in Europe.

Work, Domination, and the False Hope of Universal Basic Income

Universal basic income (UBI) is increasingly proposed as a simple answer to the problem of domination at work—one policy whose knock-on effects will transform the balance of power between workers and employers. I argue against such ‘UBI-first’ approaches. Compared to UBI proposals for other purposes, a UBI sufficient or near-sufficient for minimising domination at work would be especially demanding in two ways. First, the level of the grant would be more demanding compared to UBIs suitable for other purposes, in order for workers to be able to credibly threaten to leave their jobs. Secondly, the maintenance of the grant must also meet strict criteria. The demanding level of the grant must be effectively secured against reduction, allowing workers to plan on its long-term acceptability; and in order to avoid increased state domination it must assume the status of an entitlement rather than a gift that may be withdrawn, through stabilisation against political change or some other means. These difficulties render UBI-first approaches doubtful at best, and an unhelpful distraction from other, more fruitful strategies at worst.