Surviving Secularization

2017 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Damian Bacich

In 1833 a group of Mexican-born Franciscans from the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Zacatecas was sent to Alta California to replace their Spanish confreres in several of the northern missions. The Franciscan priests were not prepared, however, for the situation they would encounter as a result of mission secularization. With missions in decay and stripped of both their resources and their native inhabitants, these priests eventually found themselves marginalized in a society in which their Spanish predecessors had been protagonists. The political changes of the 1840s, from local insurrections against Mexican authorities and inter-Californio rivalries to the difficulties of U.S. military occupation, forced a shift in identity among some of these friars. No longer missionaries, they had to adapt to a hand-to-mouth existence and the lifestyle of an itinerant pastor, while seeking wherever possible to advocate for Native rights. Beginning with H. H. Bancroft, California historians often portrayed the priests' unorthodox lifestyles as the result of corruption and ignorance. A closer look at the life of one of these friars, José María Suárez del Real, helps contextualize their choices within the trying circumstances of years of upheaval and uncertainty.

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Robinson

International law was no more prepared for the dynamics of the present war than was the Maginot school of military strategy. International lawyers had given little serious thought to the legal problems which total war would bring. Consequently, while international arrangements were concluded on special questions (e.g. on aerial warfare), the main body of the 1907 Hague Convention, including the section dealing with military occupation,remained unchanged. Military occupation was still conceived of as a temporary phenomenon with limited objectives. But totalitarian warfare as waged by the Axis powers has had unlimited objectives, aimed at nothing less than the complete political and economic subjugation of the occupied territory. In practice the enemy has recognized no restraints of either law or custom save the threat of immediate retaliation. Far from “respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country,” as the Hague regulations require, the Axis has systematically destroyed the political and legal order in the occupied territories. It has substituted quislings in the place of duly constituted local authorities, and has employed them for economic as well as political ends.


2016 ◽  
Vol 05 (07) ◽  
pp. 01-07
Author(s):  
Akram Subhe Suleiman ◽  
Jafar Subhi Hardan Abahre

An exhaustive literature search revealed that not much research has been done on factors causing problems in managing a construction project in a country under military occupation like Palestine. So, it is the main goal of this research is to identify these factors which could be used by the decision makers to select the appropriate project manager who bosses the suitable skills and competencies to deal with these problems. The study is a step toward determining means to improve the effectiveness of projects through identifying project manager competencies. It is important for Palestinian construction industry to progress in terms of project success; the problems that face the project managers must be determined and identified, in order to achieve the best results with less risk. A clear understanding of such problems helps the Palestinian construction industry of finding the suitable solutions to overcome these problems. A questionnaire survey was carried out to achieve the main aim of this research. The respondents were engineers have more than 3 years in the position of project manager in the Palestinian construction industry. The survey was based on factors drawn from findings of another researches in different countries, together with special factors identified as potentially affecting Palestine. The results identified many factors created problems; they were clustered in eight groups. These groups were arranged according to respondents in descending order as follows: the political situation of Palestine, lack of consultants` technical competencies, lack of resources, insufficient planning, team members uncommitted, conflicts between departments, breakdowns in communications, and changes in goals. As a result of this study one could conclude that managing a project in Palestine is as difficult as the complication of the political situation of the country. The project manager should have a complicated mixture of skills and competencies from dealing with Israeli occupation to dealing with stakeholders to lack of resources and unclear goals. The study has recommended to the Palestinian government to improve the regulations and laws to meet the impact of closure and segmentation of the Palestine.


2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
GUADALUPE GARCÍA

AbstractThis essay examines the Spanish reconcentración of Cuban peasants during the final war of independence. It argues that the forced relocation of the rural population produced negative associations between Cuban guajiros and blackness, criminality and disease that furthered the political interests of the Cuban, Spanish and US militaries. The essay also highlights how the US military occupation that followed independence reinforced the criminalisation of the guajiro and organised existing urban and rural divisions in Cuba.


Author(s):  
Dayna L. Barnes

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Allied occupation of Japan. Between 1939 and 1945, American policymakers decided to reorient rather than punish postwar Japan. They hoped to transform the current enemy into a “responsible” international actor through a short American-led military occupation. The political, religious, and even linguistic makeup of an ancient and deeply patriotic nation would be changed; Imperial Japan's colonial possessions would be liberated or redistributed. American intervention was expected to remake Japan into a pacifist economic power supportive of a postwar American order. However, President Franklin Roosevelt, congressmen, popular media figures, and high-level officials all opposed the plan at different points.


2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Gupta

Abstract There is no doubt that military occupation of civilian spaces and lives constitutes a fundamental structural violence. This is more easily apprehended in cases where exceptional violence is wrought by security forces on civilian populations, as in the Kashmir Valley in India. How do we grasp the effects of securitization on the political subjectivity of citizen-subjects in the absence of visible violence and overt political critique? This article ethnographically tracks civil-military interactions in Kargil, located on the disputed India-Pakistan borderland, to analyze the normalization of structural violence and the production of affective regimes that defy dichotomies of resistance and submission. These affective regimes are characterized by paradoxical emotions, which are integral to securitized practices of colonization of subject populations. However, it is these very paradoxes that also lend insight into the incomplete hegemony of the military apparatus expressed in ambivalent political subjectivities.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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