Both Authors and Authored

2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Stefan Tarnowski

Our Memory Belongs to Us (Rami Farah and Signe Byrge Sørensen, 2021) reunites three activists from a failed revolution—Rani, Yadan, and Odai—in a theatre in Paris in 2019, where codirector Rami Farah plays footage they’d shot themselves during the Syrian revolution. Farah’s approach is one of critical generosity, in which the activists are made to reflect on their images from the past from the perspective of the present. As explored by Stefan Tarnowski in this essay, the resulting documentary directly addresses the activists’ ability to drive political transformations and assemble publics of humanitarian concern through image circulation.

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Morjé Howard ◽  
Meir R. Walters

Political scientists have been caught by surprise by some of the world’s most dramatic political transformations. To assess how the discipline fared in explaining two of the most large-scale and unexpected developments of the past decades, we compare scholarship around the time of popular mobilization in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the Arab world in 2011. We argue that while scholars cannot be expected topredictutterly extraordinary events such as revolutions and mass mobilization, in these two cases disciplinary trends left scholars ill-prepared toexplainthem. Political scientists used similar paradigms to study both regions, emphasizing their failure to develop politically and economically along the lines of Western Europe and the United States. Sovietologists tended to study the communist bloc as either anomalously totalitarian or modernizing towards “convergence” with the West. Likewise, political scientists studying the Arab world focused disproportionately on the prospects for democratization or the barriers to it, and they now risk treating the 2011 protest movements essentially as non-events if they are not clearly tied to institutional democratic reform. By broadening their research agendas beyond a focus on regime type, political scientists will be better prepared to understand future changes in the Middle East and elsewhere.


2021 ◽  
pp. 206-246
Author(s):  
Isabelle Guinaudeau ◽  
Simon Persico

Coalition-making in France is under-studied, due to the peculiar way coalitions are formed, maintained, and terminated. Due to the majoritarian two-round electoral system, parliamentary elections often result in a one-party parliamentary majority, which barely leaves room for post-electoral coalition bargaining. Coalition agreements are negotiated prior to elections. They mostly consist of pre-electoral deals in which the coalition’s senior party grant a few seats to its potential partner, after both parties agree on a laconic policy document. Moreover, in a semi-presidential regime where the executive enjoys increasing powers, coalition members play a small role compared to the president (or the prime minister in times of cohabitation). Cabinet formation and portfolio allocation rest in the discretionary power of the chief of the executive and no real (in)formal coordination or negotiation takes place. Over the past few decades, France has undergone major institutional and political transformations that have reinforced those dynamics, effectively increasing the weight of the president in coalition bargaining and leaving minor parties quite powerless.


2020 ◽  
pp. 87-92
Author(s):  
T. N. Pidlasko

The article touches on the topical issue of interaction between law and morality, caused by the fact that society is constantly developing, and this process is endless, therefore, the norms of law and morality are constantly changing in their development. This process is not easy and covers different sides. Any country is unique because it has its own specific features and uniqueness. The Russian Federation is particularly unique, because on the one hand, it is the largest in terms of area, population and territory, on the other hand, it is home to a large variety of ethnic groups. Our government has repeatedly experienced a total conversion, was confronted with a powerful crisis, not only political, but also economic. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia again experienced a crisis that affected the economy, politics, and the spiritual world of Russian society. Up to the present time Russia is trying to overcome this crisis, at the same time faced with new challenges. Political transformations, economic realities, and many other factors certainly have an impact on law and morals, because in the country, society, subjected to huge tests, regularly changes, changing its spirit and mentality. The past legislation is outdated, and the new one is still being formed, passing through a number of mistakes and entering into disagreement with the past foundations.


IJOHMN ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-125
Author(s):  
Hadjer Khatir

George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty Four (1949)and Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (1932) stand as two powerful works of art that emanated from a mere disorder and fragmentation. To put it differently, this work of art emanated from a world that underwent an extremely rigorous political transformations and cultural seismology. This is a world that has witnessed an overwhelming dislocation. All those upheavals brought into being a new life, that is to say, a reshuffled life .A new life brings forwards a new art. This research, accordingly, attempts to put all its focus on two modernist visionary works of art that have enhanced a completely new system of thought and perceived the past, the present, and even the future with an entirely new consciousness. In the world of Nineteen Eighty Four and Brave New World, power seems to get beyond of what is supposedly politically legitimate. This power has paved the way for the emergence of a totalitarian system; I would rather call it a totalitarian virus. This system has emerged with the ultimate purpose of deadening the spirit of individualism, rendering the classes nothing but “docile masses”. I will be accordingly analysing how power becomes intoxicating. In other words, I will attempt to give a keen picture of how power becomes no longer over things, but rather over men according to Nietzsche’s philosophical perception of “The Will to Power”.


2019 ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
Senka Božić-Vrbančić

During the colonial time in New Zealand Maori and Croatians worked together on the gumfileds of the Far North. On the gumfields both Maori and Croats were stigmatized, each in their own way and for different reasons. This stigmatisation excluded them from the dominant culture and constituted the common terrain for their relationship. The intermarriages were common. This paper explores the ways the stories about Maori and Croatians in New Zealand have been narrated or represented in five different sites of memory, built in different historical time, from colonial New Zealand to the bicultural New Zealand of the present. It argues that a parallel reading of these sites shows that in between these sites, there seems to be a space where all of these gumfield stories are entangled, with motives that are embedded in social reality. Hence these stories reflect processes of differentiation and power relations in the social. Their meanings are constructed retroactively, the past they strive to embody is always presented in the form of tradition, but the meaning of tradition restructures and changes constantly with the political transformations of the social.


Author(s):  
Robert Neubauer

Contingent as they are upon technological globalization, contemporary notions of global citizenship tend to run parallel to theories of ‘post-industrialism’ and ‘information society’. This paper problematizes this relationship by delineating the connections between ‘informationist’ theory and neoliberal ideology, which together have laid the ideational foundations for a reordering of the global political economy over the past 40 years in favor of global capital. Drawing on the work of Antonio Gramsci, this paper argues that information-age theories have served to facilitate the neoliberal project, obscuring behind a veil of teleological inevitability and technological determinism the political transformations which make global neoliberalism possible, even while prescribing the technological innovations which make such transformations technically feasible. Crucially, in eroding national sovereignty over trade and labour laws, capital flows, and fiscal and monetary policy, the ascent of ‘informational neoliberalism’ has served to undermine traditional citizenship in favor of market discipline and neoliberal hegemony. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 501-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Michael Feener

The social, economic, and political transformations of the past two centuries have been rapid and dramatic, resulting in complex reconfigurations of religious authority in many Muslim societies. These changes have involved not only the emergence of distinctly new profiles of leadership, but also the persistence and adaptation of the models established by the ulama of the classical period. The challenges of modernizing reform at the turn of the twentieth century struck at the very heart of traditions that had bolstered established religious authority for a thousand years. In the modern period, ulama find themselves in increasingly crowded and highly contested public spheres in which they can no longer hold any kind of monopoly. Contemporary debates in Muslim public spheres are characterized by the emergence of complex new discursive formulations on issues of religious belief and practice, individual rights and responsibilities, and proper standards of public morality. This essay provides an historical introduction to the emergence of diverse models of Muslim religious authority in modern Asia.


Author(s):  
Robert Neubauer

Contingent as they are upon technological globalization, contemporary notions of global citizenship tend to run parallel to theories of ‘post-industrialism’ and ‘information society’. This paper problematizes this relationship by delineating the connections between ‘informationist’ theory and neoliberal ideology, which together have laid the ideational foundations for a reordering of the global political economy over the past 40 years in favor of global capital. Drawing on the work of Antonio Gramsci, this paper argues that information-age theories have served to facilitate the neoliberal project, obscuring behind a veil of teleological inevitability and technological determinism the political transformations which make global neoliberalism possible, even while prescribing the technological innovations which make such transformations technically feasible. Crucially, in eroding national sovereignty over trade and labour laws, capital flows, and fiscal and monetary policy, the ascent of ‘informational neoliberalism’ has served to undermine traditional citizenship in favor of market discipline and neoliberal hegemony. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 27-28
Author(s):  
Wenjun Li ◽  
Elizabeth ProcterGray ◽  
Kevin Kane ◽  
Jie Cheng ◽  
Anthony Clarke

Abstract Maintaining ability to drive is critical to independent living among older adults residing in suburban and rural communities. We administrated structured questionnaire about driving behaviors to 370 persons age 65 and older living in Central Massachusetts between 2018 and 2020. Of them, 307 were active drivers. Driving in the past year was strongly associated with being male, White race, higher income, non-urban resident, and good-to-excellent health. Advancing age was associated with lower frequency of driving, less miles driven, lower percentage of the day spent in transportation. Men and women drove with nearly equal frequency (~26 days/month), but men drove significantly more miles. Non-White drivers were significantly more likely to avoid driving out of town or in difficult conditions, even after controlling for age, sex, income, and density of residential area. In conclusion, driving behaviors differed significantly by age, sex, income, race, and housing density. Further investigation is warranted.


2021 ◽  
pp. 184-209
Author(s):  
Ana Aliverti

This final chapter explores the relationship between place, belonging, and order in migration policing. It foregrounds the question of ‘place’ as a category of analysis to understand how immigration and police officers relate to and make sense of their quotidian work and the different publics they interact with. Foregrounding space in policing sheds light on its importance for visualizing, sensing, and constructing order. This spatial and atmospheric dimension of policing forms part of officers’ cognitive maps through which they attach meaning to and make sense of their patches, and the world beyond them. As these officers deal on an everyday basis with people hailing from far away, what are their perceptions of the world outside their patches and how do these ideas and experiences impact on their work? Directing our attention to the geographies of migration policing, its spatial dimensions illuminate how officers apprehend and construct ‘the here and now’ of the local and vernacular in relation to the ‘outside’ and the past. While the intensification of global movements and interconnections—and the attendant economic, social, and political transformations it entailed–has been said to de-border the state and erode a sense of place, their testimonies point to a recasting of it (of the immediate communities and the nation) in a globalizing context. In such context, these sensibilities which articulate experiences of change have become more acute as these officers convey their sense that the world has been turned upside down.


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