The Cultural Politics of Eating in Shenzhen

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
mary ann o'donnell
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
First Generation ◽  
World Order ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Chinese Transition ◽  
The City

Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, construction in Shenzhen symbolized both the transformation of Chinese socialism and the concomitant integration of Chinese society into global capitalist networks. This article tells the story of Shenzhen from the perspective of this first generation of immigrants, the so-called Old Shenzheners, who use nostalgia about food to define, debate, and ultimately retreat from conversations about what Shenzhen culture was and what it ought to be. Their food nostalgia is part of a larger cultural tradition of Chinese alimentary politics and has allowed Shenzheners to indigenize capitalist globalization to make the city their own. Old Shenzheners' food nostalgia represents an important moment in the Chinese transition to a post socialist political economy, redefining what it means to be both Chinese and global in a post––cold war world order.

A methodology for design research on interdependence alternatives

1977 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayward R. Alker
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Design Research ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
World Order ◽  
Limits To Growth ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Public Consumption ◽  
Zero Sum

A common “interdependence problematique” can be found in recent literature on security interdependence, regional integration processes, ecological limits to growth, and global political economy. Six problematical aspects of interdependence relationships should therefore be given definitional significance: existing or proposed transnational or intergovernmental relationships in the post-Cold War era typically raise issues concerning the degree of public consumption interdependence, the extent to which situational interests are non-zero sum, the need for coordinated production relationships, the extent of cross-sector or inter-functional interdependence and the vulnerabilities involved in breaking with or doing without any such institutionalized relationships. Twenty methodological maxims are useful for appraising the design relevance of empirical research on partial, regime-like world order alternatives. Much but not all previous research has been severely deficient in addressing the efficiency, equity, conservation, and feasibility implications of contending interdependence alternatives.

India–Myanmar Relations

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Gaurav Kumar Jha ◽  
Amrita Banerjee
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World Order ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Market Interdependence

Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?

Discourse of global governance

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-246
Author(s):  
Annita Lazar ◽  
Michelle M. Lazar
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
International Consensus ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Osama Bin Laden ◽  
Primary Focus

This article is based on the view that in the post-Cold War period, a US-defined New World Order discourse has been in formation. Adopting a critical discourse analytical perspective, the paper examines the deployment of American liberal democratic political ideology, which forms the basis of the New World Order discourse. American liberal democracy is construed vis--vis the articulation of illiberal global threats (namely, Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein); through international consensus-building based on universalized American principles of freedom and democracy; and through Americas self-election to global leadership. While the primary focus of the study is on the speeches of President George W. Bush since the 11 September 2001 attacks, the analysis also includes speeches by the former post-Cold War presidents, Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush, in the context of earlier historic events. An intertextual analysis of the speeches shows the hegemonic form(ul)ation of American liberal democratic internationalism in the post-Cold War environment.

scholarly journals The Russian Federation and Reshaping a Post-Cold War Order

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bryc
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western World ◽  
The West ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
International Standing ◽  
Munich Security Conference

Russia attempts to revise a Western-led liberal world order. However, challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia’s international standing. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia challenges the West, particularity the United States, and looks for a rapprochement at the same time.The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what constituted breaking international law, andengagement into the war in the East Ukraine. Nevertheless, the milestone was not 2014, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its militar yforce against Georgia and indirectly against the growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was hardly a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the Western-led world order had appeared in the past at least twice in president Putin’s speeches in 2007 at Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a take in the discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. This paper probes the notion that Russia has become a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides, there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact its goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on international politics and how it may influence the post-ColdWar order despite its reduced political and economic potential.

A Research Agenda for the Study of Peaceful Change in World Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Welch Larson ◽  
T.V. Paul ◽  
Harold A. Trinkunas ◽  
Anders Wivel ◽  
Ralf Emmers
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Mechanisms Of Change ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Conceptual Clarity ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Made In

This concluding chapter offers a summary and evaluation of the key ideas contained in the chapters of this Handbook. The chapter discusses peaceful change in terms of conceptual clarity; historical evolution of scholarship in the area, especially the interwar, Cold War, and post–Cold War era efforts at analyzing the concepts; and the policy innovations in this realm. This is followed by an evaluation of the key umbrella theories of international relations—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—and how they approach peaceful change. Some important sources and mechanisms of change are analyzed. This is followed by discussion of the policy contributions of selected great and rising powers toward peaceful change. The chapter then offers a summary of contributions and progress that various regions have made in the area of peaceful change. It concludes with some ideas for future research while highlighting the significance of the subject matter for international relations and the world order.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE ORIGIN OF MYTHS OF POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAN FOREIGN POLICY

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo De Rezende Saturnino Braga
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
South African ◽  
World Order ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Iconic Image

The foreign policy narrative of South Africa is strongly grounded in human rights issues, beginning with the transition from a racial segregation regime to a democracy. The worldwide notoriety of the apartheid South Africa case was one factor that overestimated the expectations of the role the country would play in the world after apartheid. Global circumstances also fostered this perception, due to the optimistic scenario of the post-Cold War world order. The release of Nelson Mandela and the collapse of apartheid became the perfect illustration of the victory of liberal ideas, democracy, and human rights. More than 20 years after the victory of Mandela and the first South African democratic elections, the criticism to the country's foreign policy on human rights is eminently informed by those origin myths, and it generates a variety of analytical distortions. The weight of expectations, coupled with the historical background that led the African National Congress (ANC) to power in South Africa, underestimated the traditional tensions of the relationship between sovereignty and human rights. Post-apartheid South Africa presented an iconic image of a new bastion for the defence of human rights in the post-Cold War world. The legacy of the miraculous transition in South Africa, though, seems to have a deeper influence on the role of the country as a mediator in African crises rather than in a liberal-oriented human rights approach. This is more evident in cases where the African agenda clashes with liberal conceptions of human rights, especially due to the politicisation of the international human rights regime. 

Reflections of a “Second Generation” German Emigré: The Impact of my Emigré Professors on a Future Economist

2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-425
Author(s):  
Ingrid H. Rima
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Early Childhood ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
Air Travel ◽  
Joseph Schumpeter ◽  
Friedrich Engels ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

My reflections are at least partly those of the child of an emigré who grew up to beome an economist. Since my father was an engineer from Germany's Barmen-Elberfeld textile city—also the city of Friedrich Engels—he clearly is not among the first generation of German scholars who were deprived of their professional positions as the Hitler regime came into power. Indeed, somewhat like Joseph Schumpeter, he came to America to grasp an opportunity rather than to avoid a threat. Like many of educated men of his generation, he was fluent in five languages and an ardent student of philosophy, history, and political economy. His move to America, after three or four trial visits, preceded my birth, because in those days before international air travel the seven day ocean voyage between Bremerhaven and New York was so daunting for a woman approaching childbirth that I was close to a year old before our arrival in America. My early childhood was uneventful except for the arrival of two siblings, and the only negative I recall from those early days was that I hated my first name, Ingrid (so carefully chosen by my parents), and longed to be called Jane, Anne or anything other than Ingrid.

The New World Order and the General Assembly: Bloc Realignment at the UN in the Post-Cold War World

1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven K. Holloway ◽  
Rodney Tomlinson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New World ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
World Order ◽  
Hierarchical Cluster ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Scaling Analyses ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThe demise of the Cold War and greater cooperation among the Security Council's permanent members have created a situation frequently characterized as a New World Order at the United Nations. This study examines whether that characterization can also be applied to the politics of the UN General Assembly. Using descriptive analysis of roll-call votes, the authors find that recent sessions, and in particular the 46th session, witnessed the end of a fairly stable decade of voting blocs in the General Assembly. An indicator of vote changing is developed which documents the rapid movement of the former Warsaw Pact members and Baltic states towards more western European positions. Hierarchical cluster and multidimensional scaling analyses are employed to identify the emerging voting alliances. The results suggest that the accommodation has not been as widespread in the General Assembly and that our longstanding conceptualizations of east/west/north/south polarizations are in need of revision.

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