Countering the “Sweep Effect”

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 66-82
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov ◽  
Mikhail Turchenko

One of the well-known properties of multimember plurality systems is their propensity toward producing the so-called “sweep effect,” manifesting itself in that the strongest party in a majority of districts sees its full slate of candidates elected even if the margin of plurality is small. Despite this property, and mostly for technical reasons, this system remains rather widely employed for conducting local elections both in democracies and in electoral authoritarian regimes. This article employs the evidence from the 2019 municipal elections in St. Petersburg to examine how increased strategic coordination of opposition voters became instrumental in countering the sweep effect and thus reducing the scope of political monopoly in an overtly authoritarian context. The analysis shows that this goal was achieved primarily by enabling opposition-minded voters to cast a greater number of votes than it otherwise would have been.

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther Thorson ◽  
Scott Swafford ◽  
Eunjin (Anna) Kim

This study reports a survey of media use, political knowledge, and participation in local elections by people in three small Midwest communities. This study showed that newspaper political news exposure strongly predicted political participation, perceived importance of local municipal elections, and self-reported voting. It did not, however, predict knowledge about local government structure.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davide Morisi ◽  
Héloïse Cloléry ◽  
Guillaume Kon Kam King ◽  
Max Schaub

How do voters react to an ongoing natural threat? We address this question by investigating voters’ reactions to the early spread of COVID-19 in the 2020 French municipal elections. Using a novel, fine-grained measure of the circulation of the virus based on excess-mortality data, we find that support for incumbents increased in the areas that were particularly hit by the virus. Incumbents from both left and right gained votes in areas more strongly affected by COVID-19. The results are robust to a placebo test and hold across different methods, including regressions with lagged dependent variables, a differences-in-differences approach and propensity score matching. We also provide indirect evidence for two mechanisms that can explain our findings: an emotional channel related to feelings of fear and anxiety, and a prospective-voting channel, related to the ability of incumbents to act more swiftly against the diffusion of the virus than challengers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 662-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ora John Reuter ◽  
Noah Buckley ◽  
Alexandra Shubenkova ◽  
Guzel Garifullina

Significance Military and security personnel voted early on April 29, with a turnout of 12%. There are concerns that widespread apathy, coupled with a desire among the Tunisian electorate with the opportunity to express their dissatisfaction with the unity government’s performance, will dampen turnout and undermine the municipal councils from the outset. Impacts The local election results could cause parties to reassess campaign strategies for the 2019 general elections. Local governance will be effective only if adequate mechanisms are in place to transfer financial resources. The municipal elections present an opportunity for women and younger candidates.


2021 ◽  
pp. 169-189
Author(s):  
SLAĐAN RANKIĆ

The aim of this paper is to explore the content of populist discourse in the case of the Municipal elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2020. This is done through critical discourse analysis of the relevant political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina, drawing on the populist logic approach to populism. The analytical sample consists of interviews with the political leaders of major Serbian and Bosniak parties, as well as some of the more prominent politicians. To be more precise the paper analyzes discourse of: Bakir Izetbegović, Milorad Dodik, Nermin Nikšić, Predrag Kojović, Elmedin Konaković, Branislav Borenović, Draško Stanivuković, Nebojša Vukanović, Srđan Mandić, Bogić Bogićević and the High representative Valentin Inzko. Selected interviews were held during the Municipal elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e., the months of October and November 2020. My analysis showed that all actors express one or multiple forms of populism, the most common of them being national populism and pro-state populism. Furthermore, the journalists carrying out the interviews expressed populist discourse, particularly the TV hosts of N1 and Face TV.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1052-1063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver P. Williams ◽  
Charles R. Adrian

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan voting patterns in four cities using nonpartisan municipal elections. It is part of a larger comparative study on the process of policy formation in middle-sized cities. The data have been used to test the nonpartisan rationale which states that the removal of party labels from the ballot insulates local elections from state and national political party influences.The “insulation” argument states that national political parties do not and cannot adequately serve the needs of the local political unit. Their intrusion into the local scene invariably represents the introduction of irrelevancies which confuse the voters and prevent them from dwelling on local issues in city elections. Thus, the nonpartisan idea is partially based on the belief that local democracy will be improved through rationalizing its political universe. Citizens will choose well if specific, pertinent, and familiar questions are posed to them.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bierschenk

Ever since the ‘democratic renewal’ of 1989–90, Benin has been regarded as a model democracy in the African context. The holding of local elections in 2002–03 can be seen as the culmination of this turn to democracy. Donors attach high expectations to decentralisation and local democracy. Based on an empirical analysis of municipal elections in Parakou, the country's third-largest city, the paper tries to gauge whether these expectations have been realised. The paper argues that while multi-party democracy has been instituted under considerable pressure from the outside, the particular form it has taken derives instead from rationales of national and local politics which go back to the late colonial period, and from recent developments in Benin's rent-based economy.


Subject Local elections and national politics. Significance Interim President Michel Temer is impeded not only by his interim status but also by local elections due in October. Politicians may fear losing further electoral support if they side with Temer and his Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) if he is unable to tackle major problems in the short term, particularly unemployment. Impacts The business elite will side with Temer and the PMDB, but other parties will offer muted support if the economic crisis is not addressed. However, failure to ease the crisis could benefit the Workers' Party, which conversely stands to lose if Temer is successful. Parties will prioritise municipal elections over national issues to boost their position before the 2018 general elections.


1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1135-1140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard D. Hamilton

The few case studies of participation in local elections display distinct patterns, but the measurements lack comparability with each other or with national election voting studies. By application of the methodology, variables, and categories of the presidential election studies to a Toledo city election, the composition of the electorate is compared with that in presidential elections and some sharp contrasts which appear to have significant implications are observed. Some data calculated from Merriam and Gosnell's classic Non-Voting reveal some developments since 1923. From two prominent characteristics of municipal elections, nonpartisan form and low turnout, a few hypotheses about participation in city elections are deduced and examined. The data support the general proposition that most of the psychological, demographic, and socioeconomic variables display comparable amplitudes in city and presidential elections, but their significance is much greater in city elections, because the low voting level makes their impact proportionately greater.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document