scholarly journals Confronting Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-118
Author(s):  
Marijke Breuning ◽  
John Ishiyama
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Role Theory ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
New States ◽  
Role Conceptions ◽  
National Role Conceptions

Russia has become increasingly assertive in its foreign relations with surrounding states—especially toward those states that were formerly part of the Soviet Union. Although much attention has been paid to the Russian reassertion in the near abroad, very little work has been done on how the citizens of former Soviet states see their state’s place in the world, particularly relative to Russia. Although Russia may view the former Soviet states as its potential “clients,” there is considerable variation in how the citizens of these states view their role in the world and, by definition, their relationship to Russia. Role theory provides a useful framework for evaluating the reaction of these states to Russia’s reassertion of power. These countries represent opportune cases to examine the evolution of national role conceptions in new states, and how these conceptions are affected by these countries’ relationships with Russia, China, and the West. This article provides an explanation as to why citizens of some states differ from others in their role conceptions. We offer a novel theoretical explanation that accounts for variation in roles, based on each country’s historic relationship with Russia, its emerging relationship with the West and China, and domestic ethnopolitical conditions.

Far-right populism and foreign policy identity: Jair Bolsonaro's ultra-conservatism and the new politics of alignment

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-363
Author(s):  
Feliciano De Sá Guimarães ◽  
Irma Dutra De Oliveira E Silva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Role Theory ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Far Right ◽  
New Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Role Conceptions ◽  
National Role Conceptions

Abstract In the last two decades, far-right populists have formed governments all over the world. However, systematic analyses on how far-right leaders recreate their countries' foreign policy identity are still underdeveloped. In this article, we analyse how far-right populist leaders use their conservative identity-set to align with other right-wing governments and how they use the same conservative repertoire to deal with ideological rivals. More precisely, we argue that these leaders tend to overemphasize a deep conservative identity-set towards other far-right populist governments, something we call ‘thick conservative identity’. This profoundly conservative identity-set is composed of three national role conceptions: anti-globalism, nationalism and anti-foe. However, they do not repeat this identity-set towards ideological rivals, preferring to use a more nuanced and contradictory one, something we call ‘thin conservative identity’. The trigger of such difference is the anticipated mutual expectation of conservatism between Ego and Alter, in which Ego mimics Alter's deep conservatism. We use Jair Bolsonaro's alignment with Donald Trump and Bolsonaro's relationship with China as illustrative cases. We use the main concepts of role theory to understand both how conservative alignments are created and how far-right governments deal with ideological rivals.

scholarly journals Bibliometric analysis of publications from post-Soviet countries in psychological journals in 1992–2017

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Lovakov ◽  
Elena Agadullina
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Scientific Development ◽  
The West ◽  
World Average ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Academic Psychology ◽  
Psychology Community ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Highly Cited

For several decades the Soviet academic psychology community was isolated from the West, yet after the collapse of the Soviet Union each of the 15 countries went their own way in economic, social, and scientific development. The paper analyses publications from post-Soviet countries in psychological journals in 1992–2017, i.e. 26 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Over the period in question, 15 post-Soviet countries had published 4986 papers in psychology, accounting for less than one percent of the world output in psychological journals. However, the growth of post-Soviet countries’ output in psychological journals, especially that of Russia and Estonia, is observed during this period. Over time, post-Soviet authors began to write more papers in international teams, constantly increasing the proportion of papers in which they are leaders and main contributors. Their papers are still underrepresented in the best journals as well as among the most cited papers in the field and are also cited lower than the world average. However, the impact of psychological papers from post-Soviet countries increases with time. There is a huge diversity between 15 post-Soviet countries in terms of contribution, autonomy, and impact. Regarding the number of papers in psychological journals, the leading nations are Russia, Estonia, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Georgia. Estonia is the leader in autonomy in publishing papers in psychological journals among post-Soviet countries. Papers from Estonia and Georgia are cited higher than the world average, whereas papers from Russia and Ukraine are cited below the world average. Estonia and Georgia also boast a high number of Highly cited papers.

scholarly journals Globalisasi dan Demokrasi di Rusia: Suatu Tantangan dan Peluang

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Permatasari
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Strong Current ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Pattern

AbstractGlobalisation has brought many changes in the world, and has huge implication towards the economy, politics, and socio-culture.  The break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is one of the historical event cause by the globalisation and transformed to what it is Russia today.  Russia tried to adapt towards globalisation by following it national historical pattern, and not following the pattern that has been used by the Western countries.  For the West, transition democracy process in Russia is incomplete, but as for the Russian point of view, it is a democracy with distinction pattern or “the Russian way” that is different to what is practiced by the West.  For that reason, this essay tried to look at the Russian political and economic policy to handle the strong current of globalisation and democracy.Keywords: Rusia, Globalisation, Democracy and Cold War AbstrakGlobalisasi telah membawa perubahan bagi dunia, yang berimplikasi pada tatanan ekonomi, politik, social dan budaya. Salah satu dampak dari globalisasi adalah pecahnya Uni Soviet pada tahun 1991 yang kemudian bertransformasi menjadi Rusia. Rusia melakukan adaptasi terhadap globalisasi, yaitu dengan mengikuti pola historis nasionalnya, dan tidak mengikuti pola yang telah dilakukan oleh dunia Barat. Bagi Barat, proses transisi demokrasi Rusia merupakan incomplete transformation, sementara dari sudut pandang Rusia, proses tersebut bukan merupakan bentuk demokrasi yang belum lengkap, melainkan demokrasi dengan corak tersendiri yang tidak bias disamakan dengan western democracy. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini berupaya melihat kebijakan ekonomi politik Rusia dalam menghadapi arus demokrasi dan globalisasi.Kata kunci: Rusia, globalisasi, demokrasi dan perang dingin

scholarly journals The Turkish Province from an English Diplomat’s Viewpoint 70 Years Ago

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Ali Satan ◽  
Meral Balcı
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
International System ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Black Sea Coast ◽  
The World ◽  
The Military

In 1947, a British diplomat conducted a visit to the places travelled rarely by local and foreign travelers, The Black Sea Coast between Samsun and Giresun in the North, the Malatya-Erzincan train line in the South, the Sivas-Erzurum train route in the West, Erzincan-Şebinkarahisar- Giresun in the East, and reported what he saw to London. In secret report, there provided military, political, ethnographic and historical information. In rapidly changing life conditions in the world, this secret report, which was written seventy years ago, set us on a historical journey. In the year, which the secret report was written, Turkey preferred being part of Western bloc in newly established bipolar international system and British diplomats were trying to understand how Britain and the Soviet Union were looked at in the regions they visited. In the secret report, there were also striking observations regarding the activities of the newly formed opposition party (Democratic Party) in Anatolia, the distance between the Turkish elites and the Anatolian villagers, and the military-civilian relationship in Anatolia.

Post-Bipolar World: Peaceful Coexistence or Chaos?

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
A. Lukin
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Research University ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S

The article explores characteristics of the international relations bipolar system, changes occurred after its collapse and the future of post-bipolar world, focusing on the role of non-Western actors in it. On one hand, the bipolar system provided stability of international relations, but on the other – lead to competition between the U.S. and the USSR for the influence on the third countries, which sometimes resulted in armed conflicts in the third states. The collapse of the Soviet Union convinced the West both in the universality of its development model and the necessity to spread it all over the world. Now it is clear that the “democratism” ideology failed politically and culturally. The Western model has neither become a panacea for eliminating disparities between countries on different stages of development, nor the only example of successful and strong governance. New power centers, such as Russia, China, India and Brazil, have been successfully developing after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Their influence has been growing along with that of the West, and even though they did not necessarily directly confront it, they never shared all its values, yet never actively imposed their positions on the rest of the world. Regional powers (Nigeria, Venezuela, etc.) are also playing a more significant role in the emerging system, although sometimes they may join the alliances with more powerful countries to achieve their goals (as Vietnam does with the U.S. in its conflict with China). Russia’s reluctance to follow the West in its development created the first serious alternative to the existing unipolar world model and its values, so naturally and widely accepted by the Western actors. Whereas China with its rapid economic development is also posing a challenge to the ideology of "democratism" proving that the economic welfare is achievable outside the Western political model. As for Russia, its role in the modern world is still not defined. The Russian Federation wants to become an independent power unit and a center of the Eurasian integration. However, it is not clear whether it has resources of all kinds to implement this idea, – moreover, its economic dependence on the West is still too strong to insist on further confrontation. Instead, Russia (as well as its partners in the Eurasian Economic Union) could use Eurasian integration platforms to act as an "ambassador" of Asia in Europe and that of Europe in Asia. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by the grant of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, National Research University Higher School of Economics in 2016.

A Symbol of Appeasement

2018 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
Laurence R. Jurdem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The West ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New States ◽  
Independence Movements

One of the major concerns of writers for the publications of conservative opinion was the growth of leftist ideology that permeated much of the newly independent Third World. Many of the activist leaders who led their nations’ independence movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America during the decades following World War II viewed the Soviet Union as an ally that was philosophically opposed to European imperialism. It was within the General Assembly of the United Nations that these new states began to exert their influence. Since the founding of the institution in 1945, the United States had been able to exert a large amount of influence in the major decisions taken up by the UN. The independent nations that now occupied the diplomatic chamber were determined to redress the economic injustices they believed had been committed against them by the West. Commentators who contributed to these publications were frustrated by the inability of American policy makers to stand up to the rampant criticism of the United States and its democratic values and believed that this represented another example of the decline of US foreign policy.

Ethics, Integration, and Disintegration: A Russian Perspective

1993 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Vladimir Benevolenski ◽  
Andrei Kortunov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
New States ◽  
Global Peace ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Security Structure

This article is concerned mainly with the array of moral, ethnic, and nationalistic questions that emerged as a result of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Its claim is that the cause for the collapse of the empire was not so much its poor economic performance, rather the moral bankruptcy of which the people could no longer endure. Now Russia (and the West) must tackle, for example, the rise of nationalism in the new states; the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asia; the highly unstable new states and their drive to dominate Soviet troops stationed within their territorial boundaries. Russia's role as a great power is imperative in maintaining global peace and acting as a stabilizing force in the area, as it was throughout the Cold War era. Reemergence of morality in Russian politics is the main success of Yeltsin's government, yet what alarms the authors most of all is the immoral treatment of ethnic minorities within the breakaway republics. The West is urged to make relations with these countries contingent upon this issue. As for the future, though prospects for a comprehensive collective security structure encompassing all new states is not realistic, regional alliances based on mutual interests are likely to surface.

Alexander Men and Russian Religious Thought in the Post-Soviet Situation

2020 ◽  
pp. 626-641
Author(s):  
Kateřina Kočandrle Bauer ◽  
Tim Noble
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Spiritual Formation ◽  
Theological Anthropology ◽  
Philosophical Tradition ◽  
Religious Philosophy ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Theology Of Culture ◽  
Russian Religious Thought

Alexander Men was the major representative in Soviet times of Russian religious philosophy within post-Stalinist Russia. This chapter contextualizes his spiritual formation and then presents his major theological themes, based on an openness to the world inspired by a belief in the possibility of co-creation between God and humanity. In this he shared Russian religious philosophy’s focus on the person of Jesus Christ as the centre of history, on its concept of Godmanhood, and its supreme ideal of deification. Men’s notion of freedom and creativity, a significant part of his theological anthropology and his theology of culture, are important contributions to the development of this religio-philosophical tradition. The ecumenical dimension of his work is also presented, as well as his attempts to engage with other religions, particularly Judaism and Islam. Lastly, his legacy for Orthodoxy in the Soviet Union and also in the West will be briefly noted.

Origins

2021 ◽  
pp. 37-63
Author(s):  
Juliane Fürst
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Direct Contact ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S

The first chapter charts the history of the Soviet hippie movement all across the Soviet Union, using both declassified KGB and party documents as well as personal interviews. It explores the role of the official press in inspiring youngsters to become ‘hippies’ and the crucial transmission belt of diplomatic parents and other Soviet elites allowed to have direct contact with the West. It delves into the world of intellectual circles in Moscow in the 1960s, which provided some of the intellectual soil on which a Soviet variation of hippie ideals could grow. It subsequently traces some of the fashion and style roots of the Soviet hippies, which range from the Soviet stiliagi to the British Beatles, from glimpses of Western hippies to the Soviet-infused imagination of youngsters wanting to look different than the rest.

Red Star Rising

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Simon Miles
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
European Public ◽  
The World ◽  
To Come

This chapter sketches how the world looked from Washington and Moscow at the dawn of the 1980s. It explains why policymakers in the United States were convinced that they had fallen behind the Kremlin when the Soviet Union was already beginning to come apart at the seams. It also cites Soviet leaders that were confident in their own position despite the acute problems plaguing their country as they viewed the perceived balance of power as one tipped in the Kremlin's favor. The chapter discusses the détente as a golden age of US–Soviet arms control agreements but had eventually failed to make the United States and its allies any more secure by the beginning of the 1980s. It cites the Western European public opinion, in which several West German and French respondents believed that the Soviet bloc had a military edge over the West.

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