scholarly journals Bibliometric analysis of publications from post-Soviet countries in psychological journals in 1992–2017

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Lovakov ◽  
Elena Agadullina

For several decades the Soviet academic psychology community was isolated from the West, yet after the collapse of the Soviet Union each of the 15 countries went their own way in economic, social, and scientific development. The paper analyses publications from post-Soviet countries in psychological journals in 1992–2017, i.e. 26 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Over the period in question, 15 post-Soviet countries had published 4986 papers in psychology, accounting for less than one percent of the world output in psychological journals. However, the growth of post-Soviet countries’ output in psychological journals, especially that of Russia and Estonia, is observed during this period. Over time, post-Soviet authors began to write more papers in international teams, constantly increasing the proportion of papers in which they are leaders and main contributors. Their papers are still underrepresented in the best journals as well as among the most cited papers in the field and are also cited lower than the world average. However, the impact of psychological papers from post-Soviet countries increases with time. There is a huge diversity between 15 post-Soviet countries in terms of contribution, autonomy, and impact. Regarding the number of papers in psychological journals, the leading nations are Russia, Estonia, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Georgia. Estonia is the leader in autonomy in publishing papers in psychological journals among post-Soviet countries. Papers from Estonia and Georgia are cited higher than the world average, whereas papers from Russia and Ukraine are cited below the world average. Estonia and Georgia also boast a high number of Highly cited papers.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Permatasari

AbstractGlobalisation has brought many changes in the world, and has huge implication towards the economy, politics, and socio-culture.  The break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is one of the historical event cause by the globalisation and transformed to what it is Russia today.  Russia tried to adapt towards globalisation by following it national historical pattern, and not following the pattern that has been used by the Western countries.  For the West, transition democracy process in Russia is incomplete, but as for the Russian point of view, it is a democracy with distinction pattern or “the Russian way” that is different to what is practiced by the West.  For that reason, this essay tried to look at the Russian political and economic policy to handle the strong current of globalisation and democracy.Keywords: Rusia, Globalisation, Democracy and Cold War AbstrakGlobalisasi telah membawa perubahan bagi dunia, yang berimplikasi pada tatanan ekonomi, politik, social dan budaya. Salah satu dampak dari globalisasi adalah pecahnya Uni Soviet pada tahun 1991 yang kemudian bertransformasi menjadi Rusia. Rusia melakukan adaptasi terhadap globalisasi, yaitu dengan mengikuti pola historis nasionalnya, dan tidak mengikuti pola yang telah dilakukan oleh dunia Barat. Bagi Barat, proses transisi demokrasi Rusia merupakan incomplete transformation, sementara dari sudut pandang Rusia, proses tersebut bukan merupakan bentuk demokrasi yang belum lengkap, melainkan demokrasi dengan corak tersendiri yang tidak bias disamakan dengan western democracy. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini berupaya melihat kebijakan ekonomi politik Rusia dalam menghadapi arus demokrasi dan globalisasi.Kata kunci: Rusia, globalisasi, demokrasi dan perang dingin


Author(s):  
Ali Satan ◽  
Meral Balcı

In 1947, a British diplomat conducted a visit to the places travelled rarely by local and foreign travelers, The Black Sea Coast between Samsun and Giresun in the North, the Malatya-Erzincan train line in the South, the Sivas-Erzurum train route in the West, Erzincan-Şebinkarahisar- Giresun in the East, and reported what he saw to London. In secret report, there provided military, political, ethnographic and historical information. In rapidly changing life conditions in the world, this secret report, which was written seventy years ago, set us on a historical journey. In the year, which the secret report was written, Turkey preferred being part of Western bloc in newly established bipolar international system and British diplomats were trying to understand how Britain and the Soviet Union were looked at in the regions they visited. In the secret report, there were also striking observations regarding the activities of the newly formed opposition party (Democratic Party) in Anatolia, the distance between the Turkish elites and the Anatolian villagers, and the military-civilian relationship in Anatolia.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 38-42

In Great Britain, on the first of March, the BBC broadcast an interview with Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn conducted by Michael Charlton of BBC. The impact of that interview upon the British public made news around the world. In late March the interview was shown in this country by the Public Broadcasting System on its program “Firing Line.” We are pleased to publish, with permission, the full text of the BBC interview.—Eds.Aleksandr Isaech, when Mr. Brezhnev and the Politburo took the decision to exile you abroad rather than send you once more to a concentration camp, they must have believed that you would do less damage to the Communist state outside the Soviet Union than inside it. So I wonder if you believe time will prove that judgment to be correct?In the way you put that question there is a certain false assumption. If one puts the question in this way, we assume that the Politburo is all-powerful and independent in the decisions it makes, that it was free to decide one way or another.


2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
A. Lukin

The article explores characteristics of the international relations bipolar system, changes occurred after its collapse and the future of post-bipolar world, focusing on the role of non-Western actors in it. On one hand, the bipolar system provided stability of international relations, but on the other – lead to competition between the U.S. and the USSR for the influence on the third countries, which sometimes resulted in armed conflicts in the third states. The collapse of the Soviet Union convinced the West both in the universality of its development model and the necessity to spread it all over the world. Now it is clear that the “democratism” ideology failed politically and culturally. The Western model has neither become a panacea for eliminating disparities between countries on different stages of development, nor the only example of successful and strong governance. New power centers, such as Russia, China, India and Brazil, have been successfully developing after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Their influence has been growing along with that of the West, and even though they did not necessarily directly confront it, they never shared all its values, yet never actively imposed their positions on the rest of the world. Regional powers (Nigeria, Venezuela, etc.) are also playing a more significant role in the emerging system, although sometimes they may join the alliances with more powerful countries to achieve their goals (as Vietnam does with the U.S. in its conflict with China). Russia’s reluctance to follow the West in its development created the first serious alternative to the existing unipolar world model and its values, so naturally and widely accepted by the Western actors. Whereas China with its rapid economic development is also posing a challenge to the ideology of "democratism" proving that the economic welfare is achievable outside the Western political model. As for Russia, its role in the modern world is still not defined. The Russian Federation wants to become an independent power unit and a center of the Eurasian integration. However, it is not clear whether it has resources of all kinds to implement this idea, – moreover, its economic dependence on the West is still too strong to insist on further confrontation. Instead, Russia (as well as its partners in the Eurasian Economic Union) could use Eurasian integration platforms to act as an "ambassador" of Asia in Europe and that of Europe in Asia. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by the grant of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, National Research University Higher School of Economics in 2016.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mircea Munteanu

Romania's position regarding the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 was the culmination of almost a decade of increasingly autonomous moves vis-à-vis Moscow. Based on new evidence from the Romanian archives, this article paints a more complete picture of Nicolae Ceauşescu's reaction to the invasion of Czechoslovakia, placing it in the context of the international system and especially the Sino-Soviet split. Following the invasion, Romania remained just as committed as before to the goal of ensuring its maneuverability on the world scene, especially with regard to sovereignty and independence. Although Romanian leaders tried not to provoke the Soviet Union outright, they did not back down on important issues concerning Sino-Romanian relations and did not embrace Moscow's call for a common Warsaw Pact foreign policy. Romania did agree to certain compromises, but only because Ceauşescu believed that Romania would remain largely unaffected by them.


Author(s):  
Sergey V. Ryazantsev ◽  
◽  
Sharif Yu. Akramov ◽  
Viktoriya A. Medved ◽  
Nikita S. Ryazantsev ◽  
...  

The article examines the trends of migration to Russia after the collapse of the USSR. The collapse of the Soviet Union turned Russia into one of the most migrant-intensive countries in the world. In terms of the share of immigrants, Russia was in third place in the world, after such countries of classical immigration as the USA and Germany. The features of collecting statistics on population migration in Russia are considered. The ethno-demographic structure of migration flows to Russia is described on the basis of Rosstat data. The impact of migration on the socio-demographic development of the country is described. The socio-political consequences of migration processes in Russia in the context of the development of migration policy are highlighted. Some recommendations are offered for improving the migration policy of Russia.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luqman Raheem ◽  
Nasir Durid

The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-118
Author(s):  
Marijke Breuning ◽  
John Ishiyama

Russia has become increasingly assertive in its foreign relations with surrounding states—especially toward those states that were formerly part of the Soviet Union. Although much attention has been paid to the Russian reassertion in the near abroad, very little work has been done on how the citizens of former Soviet states see their state’s place in the world, particularly relative to Russia. Although Russia may view the former Soviet states as its potential “clients,” there is considerable variation in how the citizens of these states view their role in the world and, by definition, their relationship to Russia. Role theory provides a useful framework for evaluating the reaction of these states to Russia’s reassertion of power. These countries represent opportune cases to examine the evolution of national role conceptions in new states, and how these conceptions are affected by these countries’ relationships with Russia, China, and the West. This article provides an explanation as to why citizens of some states differ from others in their role conceptions. We offer a novel theoretical explanation that accounts for variation in roles, based on each country’s historic relationship with Russia, its emerging relationship with the West and China, and domestic ethnopolitical conditions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Robbin Frederick Laird

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