The Presence of Maoism in Mexico

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-196
Author(s):  
Daniel Lemus-Delgado

During the Cold War, the influence of Maoism as a third way of establishing a new international order inspired several Latin American guerrilla groups, including some in Mexico. This article analyzes the influence of Maoism in Mexico in particular, and pays specific attention to how Florencio Medrano, a peasant leader, was motivated by Maoist thought to establish the Rubén Jaramillo Proletarian Neighborhood, a self-governing neighborhood, and how this site was considered a critical factor for his development as a guerrilla. In the continuing debate over the relationship between agency and structure, the life and work of Florencio Medrano evidences how both social context and personal history influenced his aspirations and demands. By conducting an analysis of primary and secondary sources, this article analyzes some elements of Maoist thought and its diffusion in Latin America in the context of the Cold War. In addition, the article explains the political formation of Florencio Medrano in the Mexican post-revolutionary period, examines Maoist influences on his political formation and participation in pro-communist organizations, and reviews Maoist influence on the organization of the Rubén Jaramillo Neighborhood. Finally, the conclusions emphasize how the peasant origins of Medrano gave rise to his particular understanding of Maoism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 358-371
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Ruiz Carnicer

AbstractThe main aim of this article is to show how the political evolution of Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War cannot be fully understood without analysing the political experiences of countries like Spain, which were not at the centre of the period's political decisions but whose evolution was inspired and suggested by strategies outside the political mainstream. In this respect, the internal evolution of Francoist Spain from the mid-1950s through the 1960s portrays a peculiar political situation demonstrating the capillarity of political and social experiences across the Iron Curtain in Europe and Latin America. A minority of influential sectors linked to the Single Spanish Party, the Falange, pursued its own third way, ignoring the Cold War models. They instead looked to what was happening in Eastern Bloc countries, especially after the events in Hungary in 1956, as well as to the political experiments in Latin America, especially the Cuban revolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-418
Author(s):  
Olivier Schmitt

Abstract From the perception of the imminence of threats at the political level to the seizing of initiative through proper timing at the tactical level, temporality is directly related to war and warfare. Yet, despite some analyses of the importance of time at the political/grand strategic level (usually by scholars) and at the tactical level (usually by military professionals) there is surprisingly little discussion of the impact of time on the preparation and the conduct of warfare. This article introduces the concept of ‘wartime paradigm’ as a heuristic device to understand the relationship between the perception of time and the conduct of warfare, and argues that after the Cold War, a specific ‘wartime paradigm’ combining an optimization for speed and an understanding of war as risk management has guided western warfare, from force structure to the conduct of actual operations. It shows how the changing character of warfare directly challenges this wartime paradigm and why, if western forces want to prevail in future conflicts, the establishment of a new wartime paradigm guiding technological improvements and operational concepts is critical.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 67-84
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Sadecka

The article explores the perception of India in socialist-era Polish travel reportage, focusing in particular on the political debates inscribed in the Cold War divisions. Four books of reportage from India, by Jerzy Ros, Wiesław Górnicki, Janusz Gołębiowski, and Jerzy Putrament, serve as primary material for this research. The reporters, visiting India on official assignments, discuss the relations between the so-called Second and Third World and India’s take on socialism. While the analyzed texts do not present a uniform vision, the reporters’ narratives reveal an interesting relation of ambivalence: Indians are seen at times as socialist brothers, but at other times a rather patronizing attitude prevails.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Tuan Binh

India and Myanmar are two mutual neighboring countries which have the traditional, longstanding and close relations. Over many periods of ups and downs in history, the links of politics, culture, religion, society... between India and Myanmar are the basis of this relations in the modern. After formally establishing the diplomatic relations in 1948, the relationship between two countries entered the period of peace, cooperation and development. From 1962 to 1991, the relations between two countries have become cold and declining. After the end of the Cold War, the trend of dialogue, peace and cooperation along with the development needs of India and Myanmar created new catalysts for the development of this relations. India - Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and trained status (1962 - 1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992 - 2014. In addition, the relationship between two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948 - 1991) but instead of being mainly in the political field, there was a complete development in many aspects (politics - diplomacy, economy, security - defense...) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. By the historical method and logical method are mainly, this article focuses on analyzing the bases which promote India - Myanmar relations's development in the years after the Cold War and this relationship's major achievements in politics - diplomacy, economy, security - defense. On that basis, the article's author drew conclusions about the development of India - Myanmar relations in the research period.  


Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

This chapter describes plurality advocates’ arguments against runoff and reports the cross-national evidence for and against them. Plurality advocates’ concerns about outsiders and voter fatigue were not borne out. However, runoff advocates’ concerns about legitimacy deficits and ideological extremes under plurality were warranted. The chapter also confirms that runoff lowered barriers to entry—especially important in the Latin American context of inaccurate pre-election opinion polls. Although the entry of new parties was a factor in the larger number of parties and paucity of legislative majorities under runoff, it was also helpful due to the authoritarian proclivities of many long-standing Latin American parties and the need, after the Cold War, to incorporate the left into the political arena.


Author(s):  
Noriko T. Reider

This paper examines the relationship between the superhero and the sidekick to problematize the hero’s complicity in violence, focusing on the relationship between Captain America and his sidekick-turned-antihero Bucky Barnes, AKA the Winter Soldier. The political allegory of Captain America as a heroic figure in wartime is problematized by Bucky as a child soldier in WWII, an assassin during the Cold War, and a villain seeking redemption during the War on Terror. The diegetic revisions of Bucky’s character make him a fascinating proxy for the necessary omissions in superhero storytelling and historical revisionism that separate heroism and villainy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Vibol Neak

The diplomatic relation between the United States and Cambodia began during the Cold War, before Cambodia achieved independence from France in 1953. This article  examines the political constellation between the two states during the Cold War. The United States had been an ally and a firm supporter of Cambodia at certain times, while also being controversial enemies in other moments. The relationship worsened during the Cold War, and the two countries had gone from allies to enemies. It could be argued that the relationship deteriorated due to several reasons: the US’ foreign policy, which was crafted to contain communism, Cambodia’s failure to be truly neutral as it was often biased to the communist bloc, and the impact of third-party states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-460
Author(s):  
Tuan Binh Nguyen ◽  
◽  
Xuan Hiep Tran ◽  
Hoang Long Tran ◽  
Minh Hung Vo ◽  
...  

India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share a border of nearly 1500 kilometers and have a relationship based on history, politics, culture, and ethnicity from over 2000 years to the present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar after the Southeast Asian country gained independence in 1948. Since 1992, the implementation of India’s Look East Policy in addition to the strategic importance of Myanmar as a neighbor created a catalyst for new development in relations between the two countries. India — Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and strained status (1962–1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992–2014. Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948–1991) that were not only in the political sphere. There was a complete development in many aspects (politics — diplomacy, economy, security — defense, etc.) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. This article focuses on analyzing the adjustment of India’s foreign policy, especially the implementation of the Look East Policy and the “Act East” strategy, and the impact of this adjustment for the development of India — Myanmar relations during 1992–2014.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Siddi

Energy trade has been an important and largely cooperative field of the EU-Russia relationship for nearly five decades. After the Cold War, liberal theories of international relations, which highlighted the two sides’ interdependence, became entrenched as an explanatory framework for EU-Russia energy relations. From the late 2000s, Russia’s increasingly assertive foreign policy, culminating in the annexation of Crimea in 2014, changed dramatically the political framework of the energy relationship. As a result, realist understandings of Russia’s energy policy (re)gained popularity. However, despite the political crisis, EU-Russia energy trade has continued without major disruptions; indeed, Russian gas exports to Europe have grown after 2014. This article examines the evolution of the EU-Russia energy relationship and argues that it continues to respond to a commercial logic. Russia’s use of an ‘energy weapon’ appears highly unlikely. Meanwhile, eu market and competition rules have strengthened the case for a liberal understanding of the relationship.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


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