scholarly journals The new development of India - Myanmar relations during two decades after the Cold War: The bases and achievements

Author(s):  
Nguyen Tuan Binh

India and Myanmar are two mutual neighboring countries which have the traditional, longstanding and close relations. Over many periods of ups and downs in history, the links of politics, culture, religion, society... between India and Myanmar are the basis of this relations in the modern. After formally establishing the diplomatic relations in 1948, the relationship between two countries entered the period of peace, cooperation and development. From 1962 to 1991, the relations between two countries have become cold and declining. After the end of the Cold War, the trend of dialogue, peace and cooperation along with the development needs of India and Myanmar created new catalysts for the development of this relations. India - Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and trained status (1962 - 1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992 - 2014. In addition, the relationship between two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948 - 1991) but instead of being mainly in the political field, there was a complete development in many aspects (politics - diplomacy, economy, security - defense...) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. By the historical method and logical method are mainly, this article focuses on analyzing the bases which promote India - Myanmar relations's development in the years after the Cold War and this relationship's major achievements in politics - diplomacy, economy, security - defense. On that basis, the article's author drew conclusions about the development of India - Myanmar relations in the research period.  

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-460
Author(s):  
Tuan Binh Nguyen ◽  
◽  
Xuan Hiep Tran ◽  
Hoang Long Tran ◽  
Minh Hung Vo ◽  
...  

India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share a border of nearly 1500 kilometers and have a relationship based on history, politics, culture, and ethnicity from over 2000 years to the present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar after the Southeast Asian country gained independence in 1948. Since 1992, the implementation of India’s Look East Policy in addition to the strategic importance of Myanmar as a neighbor created a catalyst for new development in relations between the two countries. India — Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and strained status (1962–1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992–2014. Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948–1991) that were not only in the political sphere. There was a complete development in many aspects (politics — diplomacy, economy, security — defense, etc.) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. This article focuses on analyzing the adjustment of India’s foreign policy, especially the implementation of the Look East Policy and the “Act East” strategy, and the impact of this adjustment for the development of India — Myanmar relations during 1992–2014.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-418
Author(s):  
Olivier Schmitt

Abstract From the perception of the imminence of threats at the political level to the seizing of initiative through proper timing at the tactical level, temporality is directly related to war and warfare. Yet, despite some analyses of the importance of time at the political/grand strategic level (usually by scholars) and at the tactical level (usually by military professionals) there is surprisingly little discussion of the impact of time on the preparation and the conduct of warfare. This article introduces the concept of ‘wartime paradigm’ as a heuristic device to understand the relationship between the perception of time and the conduct of warfare, and argues that after the Cold War, a specific ‘wartime paradigm’ combining an optimization for speed and an understanding of war as risk management has guided western warfare, from force structure to the conduct of actual operations. It shows how the changing character of warfare directly challenges this wartime paradigm and why, if western forces want to prevail in future conflicts, the establishment of a new wartime paradigm guiding technological improvements and operational concepts is critical.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Marten Hanura

Russia or formerly known as the Soviet Union has a historically unique cooperation and diplomatic relations with Indonesia. This is because the relationship between Indonesia and Russia has a long history and experiencing ups and downs. The closeness of the two countries was influenced ideologically in the early days of Indonesian independence, and later the rise of the New Order regime influenced the dynamics of Indonesian foreign policy. During the New Order period, the Indonesian government began to freeze all forms of cooperative relations with the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War era began to change the map of international politics to affect the situation in Indonesia. In the Post-Reformation era, the normalization of relations between the two countries recovered and lasted until the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The purpose of this article is to find out how the changes in the implementation of the foreign policy of Indonesia-Russia during the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with the previous era and what factors underlie Indonesia's foreign policy towards Russia. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method and using some theoretical concepts in the foreign policy-making process. The results of this study concluded that foreign policy between Indonesia and Russia increased significantly in the Post-Reformation era which no longer saw Russia as a threat as in the New Order era. The cooperation between Indonesia and Russia is implemented in various main areas, prominently is the cooperation in the field of military, social, economic and political.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-196
Author(s):  
Daniel Lemus-Delgado

During the Cold War, the influence of Maoism as a third way of establishing a new international order inspired several Latin American guerrilla groups, including some in Mexico. This article analyzes the influence of Maoism in Mexico in particular, and pays specific attention to how Florencio Medrano, a peasant leader, was motivated by Maoist thought to establish the Rubén Jaramillo Proletarian Neighborhood, a self-governing neighborhood, and how this site was considered a critical factor for his development as a guerrilla. In the continuing debate over the relationship between agency and structure, the life and work of Florencio Medrano evidences how both social context and personal history influenced his aspirations and demands. By conducting an analysis of primary and secondary sources, this article analyzes some elements of Maoist thought and its diffusion in Latin America in the context of the Cold War. In addition, the article explains the political formation of Florencio Medrano in the Mexican post-revolutionary period, examines Maoist influences on his political formation and participation in pro-communist organizations, and reviews Maoist influence on the organization of the Rubén Jaramillo Neighborhood. Finally, the conclusions emphasize how the peasant origins of Medrano gave rise to his particular understanding of Maoism.


Author(s):  
Noriko T. Reider

This paper examines the relationship between the superhero and the sidekick to problematize the hero’s complicity in violence, focusing on the relationship between Captain America and his sidekick-turned-antihero Bucky Barnes, AKA the Winter Soldier. The political allegory of Captain America as a heroic figure in wartime is problematized by Bucky as a child soldier in WWII, an assassin during the Cold War, and a villain seeking redemption during the War on Terror. The diegetic revisions of Bucky’s character make him a fascinating proxy for the necessary omissions in superhero storytelling and historical revisionism that separate heroism and villainy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Vibol Neak

The diplomatic relation between the United States and Cambodia began during the Cold War, before Cambodia achieved independence from France in 1953. This article  examines the political constellation between the two states during the Cold War. The United States had been an ally and a firm supporter of Cambodia at certain times, while also being controversial enemies in other moments. The relationship worsened during the Cold War, and the two countries had gone from allies to enemies. It could be argued that the relationship deteriorated due to several reasons: the US’ foreign policy, which was crafted to contain communism, Cambodia’s failure to be truly neutral as it was often biased to the communist bloc, and the impact of third-party states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Tran Xuan Hiep ◽  
Nguyen Tuan Binh ◽  
Tran Thai Bao

India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries have a traditional, close and longstanding relationship. Through many vicissitudes and fluctuations of history, bilateral relations have been retained and developed since the Cold War to the present. In relations with Myanmar, India cannot ignore the Chinese factor. China is a “rising” power in Asia and a neighbor to both India and Myanmar. With the third largest area and largest population in the world, China has a very important influence on the diplomatic relations of the countries, including the relations between India and Myanmar. Considered as a strategic competitor of India in the 21st century, China has a great influence on the country in improving and developing relations with neighboring countries, including Myanmar. On the basis of the reference sources, this research’s aim is to analyze China’ role in India - Myanmar relations process in the years 1992 - 2014, thereby helping readers to recognize the great impact of the Chinese factor on the development of the relationship mentioned above. The scope of this research is the Chinese factor for India - Myanmar relations in the period when India implemented the “Look East” policy (1992 - 2014). The research shows that the factor’s impact on India - Myanmar relations in the aforementioned period is regular and takes place in many fields, with the focus on political - diplomacy, economic and security - defense. With the strategic importance of neighboring Myanmar, India cannot “forget” its Chinese strategic competitor in relations with Myanmar as well as other neighboring countries in the 21st century.   Received: 7 November 2020 / Accepted: 21 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2020


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Siddi

Energy trade has been an important and largely cooperative field of the EU-Russia relationship for nearly five decades. After the Cold War, liberal theories of international relations, which highlighted the two sides’ interdependence, became entrenched as an explanatory framework for EU-Russia energy relations. From the late 2000s, Russia’s increasingly assertive foreign policy, culminating in the annexation of Crimea in 2014, changed dramatically the political framework of the energy relationship. As a result, realist understandings of Russia’s energy policy (re)gained popularity. However, despite the political crisis, EU-Russia energy trade has continued without major disruptions; indeed, Russian gas exports to Europe have grown after 2014. This article examines the evolution of the EU-Russia energy relationship and argues that it continues to respond to a commercial logic. Russia’s use of an ‘energy weapon’ appears highly unlikely. Meanwhile, eu market and competition rules have strengthened the case for a liberal understanding of the relationship.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


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