scholarly journals Penal Humanitarianism? Sovereign Power in an Era of Mass Migration

Author(s):  
Mary Bosworth

Since creating the Returns and Reintegration Fund in 2008, the British government has financed a variety of initiatives around the world under the rubric of “managing migration,” blurring the boundaries between migration control and punishment. This article documents and explores a series of overlapping case studies undertaken in Nigeria and Jamaica where the United Kingdom has funded prison building programs, mandatory prisoner transfer agreements, prison training programs, and resettlement assistance for deportees. These initiatives demonstrate in quite concrete ways a series of interconnections between criminal justice and migration control that are both novel and, in their postcolonial location, familiar. In their ties to international development and foreign policy, they also illuminate how humanitarianism allows penal power to move beyond the nation state, raising important questions about our understanding of punishment and its application.

In an era of mass mobility, those who are permitted to migrate and those who are criminalized, controlled, and prohibited from migrating are heavily patterned by race. By placing race at the centre of its analysis, this volume brings together fourteen essays that examine, question, and explain the growing intersection between criminal justice and migration control. Through the lens of race, we see how criminal justice and migration enmesh in order to exclude, stop, and excise racialized citizens and non-citizens from societies across the world within, beyond, and along borders. Neatly organized in four parts, the book begins with chapters that present a conceptual analysis of race, borders, and social control, moving to the institutions that make up and shape the criminal justice and migration complex. The remaining chapters are convened around the key sites where criminal justice and migration control intersect: policing, courts, and punishment. Together the volume presents a critical and timely analysis of how race shapes and complicates mobility and how racism is enabled and reanimated when criminal justice and migration control coalesce. Race and the meaning of race in relation to citizenship and belonging are excavated throughout the chapters presented in the book, thereby transforming the way we think about migration.


Author(s):  
Constantine Michalopoulos

Ending poverty is a noble goal, relevant today as much as it was two decades ago when four women rose to prominent positions in their government and decided to make it their central objective. As the world strives to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, we may find inspiration in the work of Eveline Herfkens from the Netherlands, Hilde F. Johnson from Norway, Clare Short from the United Kingdom, and Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul from Germany who became ministers in charge of their governments’ international development policies in 1997–8. They believed that the best way to end global poverty was to join forces in changing the policies of the international institutions where decisions affecting the poor all over the world are made and to reform donor countries development programmes. They came to be known as the Utstein Four, after the Norwegian Utstein Abbey where they formalized their collaboration in 1999. They called their collaboration ‘a conspiracy of implementation’ to contrast their action-oriented approach with the lofty pronouncements leaders agree to in big global conferences only to forget them when they return home. This volume discusses Utstein’s many contributions ranging from helping relieve the poorest countries of their debt, using debt relief to actually lift individuals out of poverty, achieving primary education for all, especially girls, and putting developing country partners in charge of setting priorities and implementing programmes of assistance. It is a story of women’s empowerment which lasted for only about half a dozen years as the original Utstein Four moved on to other positions. But their influence continues to be felt because their approach to improve aid effectiveness was codified in international agreements and practices of global institutions. The last part of the book discusses the legacy of the Utstein group and the lessons that their experience offers to the continuing challenges of eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable development.


Author(s):  
Francis Maravillas

This paper activates a mode of spatial inquiry into Australia’s identity through an analysis of a number of frames through which the passage and interdiction of boats off the coast of the nation may be viewed. In particular, I explore the way in which Australia’s paradoxical geographical location as South of both the West and Asia play a key role in affixing the horizon within which a conception of the nation and its relationship with the world was – and continues to be – defined and shaped. Moreover, I not only critically probe the constitutive fears and anxieties that underlie bounded conceptions of the trope of the South, but also to examine how such a trope can articulate itself as a site of exchange and negotiation, a distinctive borderland that engenders new cartographies of difference and belonging in an increasingly globalised and interconnected world. I show how these frames overlap and converge on the wider questions of space, place and identity at the very moment when the process of globalisation and migration has done so much to shake any certainties about Australia’s identity as a geographically distinct and spatially bounded nation-state. In so doing, they represent crucial sites for articulating and enacting a transcultural politics of mobility and spatiality that attends to the ways in which the trope of the South may been imagined not as a sphere of containment or an enclaved territory, but as an evolving cartography, the shifting outlines of which opens up new horizons of possibility for rethinking the spatial and temporal coordinates of Australia in a globalizing world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Walsh

Recent escalations in migration control involve the criminalization of non-citizens. In assessing this punitive turn criminologists have highlighted drastic expansions in state sovereignty and coercion. Focusing on the Australian context, this article examines a less noticed trend: the civilianization of migration policing. To facilitate irregular migrants’ removal the government has created tip-lines that encourage private citizens to conduct surveillance and anonymously ‘dob-in’ or report unlawful non-citizens. Approaching the initiative as a distinct responsibilization strategy that enrolls the entire citizen body as policing agents, this article explores its instrumental and symbolic goals, whether expanding official gazes or restoring an exclusive sense of national citizenship. Assessing the functions and effects of public vigilance reveals important tensions and ambiguities within the responsibilization process. In particular the case of participatory surveillance demonstrates how ‘adaptive’ approaches to order maintenance are not external to, but potentially promote and perpetuate, punitive forms of sovereign power.


Author(s):  
Mary Bosworth ◽  
Alpa Parmar ◽  
Yolanda Vázquez

In the introductory chapter the editors discuss why a volume that brings together race, migration, and criminal justice, in a way that speaks to issues of belonging, is both timely and necessary. In highlighting the gaps in various disciplinary literatures including the sociology of migration, criminology, and immigration law, this collection of essays discusses explicitly how concerns about race and ethnicity animate many of the state and popular responses to the growing numbers of migrants across the world. Race and the meaning of race in relation to citizenship and belonging is excavated through the chapters presented in the book, and the book as a whole thereby transforming the way we think about migration and the construction of boundaries and borders.


Author(s):  
K.A. Godovanyuk

UK’s interests in Africa are driven by economic perspectives and natural resources. This becomes more relevant in the age of global transformation of contemporary system of international relations. In 2018 British government set to become the biggest investor to Africa among G7 countries. On the eve of formal withdrawal from the EU, London hosted the first UK-Africa Investment summit confirming British commitment to strengthen economic and business cooperation with Africa in post-Brexit age. After leaving the EU, the UK is free to pursue its own international trade agenda, the authorities pledged to boost UK position in Africa in light of growing competition. The UK’s historical ties with the region is an advantage (19 out of 53 members of Commonwealth is located in Africa). The author concludes that the African countries expect that London will liberalize its internal market for African products and migration rule for African people. Of particular importance in the dialogue with the countries of the Black Continent is the rhetoric of promoting the environmental agenda and assistance in combating epidemics. Discussion remains, however, about the extent to which Britain's humanitarian programmes and international development assistance can contribute to London's strategic objectives in Africa. In light of COVID-19 pandemic London has a chance to enhance its image in Africa.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pinar Yazgan ◽  
Deniz Eroglu Utku ◽  
Ibrahim Sirkeci

With the growing insurrections in Syria in 2011, an exodus in large numbers have emerged. The turmoil and violence have caused mass migration to destinations both within the region and beyond. The current "refugee crisis" has escalated sharply and its impact is widening from neighbouring countries toward Europe. Today, the Syrian crisis is the major cause for an increase in displacement and the resultant dire humanitarian situation in the region. Since the conflict shows no signs of abating in the near future, there is a constant increase in the number of Syrians fleeing their homes. However, questions on the future impact of the Syrian crisis on the scope and scale of this human mobility are still to be answered. As the impact of the Syrian crisis on host countries increases, so does the demand for the analyses of the needs for development and protection in these countries. In this special issue, we aim to bring together a number of studies examining and discussing human mobility in relation to the Syrian crisis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-181
Author(s):  
Alexander A Caviedes

This article explores the link between migrants and crime as portrayed in the European press. Examining conservative newspapers from France, Germany, and the United Kingdom from 2007 to 2016, the study situates the press coverage in each individual country within a comparative perspective that contrasts the frequency of the crime narrative to that of other prominent narratives, as well as to that in the other countries. The article also charts the prevalence of this narrative over time, followed by a discussion of which particular aspects of crime are most commonly referenced in each country. The findings suggest that while there has been no steady increase in the coverage of crime and migration, the press securitizes migration by focusing on crime through a shared emphasis on human trafficking and the non-European background of the perpetrators. However, other frames advanced in these newspapers, such as fraud or organized crime, comprise nationally distinctive characteristics.


Author(s):  
Mykola Trofymenko

Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.   The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc. The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation. Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development


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