In the Shadow of the Butcher

2014 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia C. Wells

The year-long commemoration of the bicentennial of Grahamstown, South Africa, exposed the wide gap between heritage practitioners, broadly defined, and much of the general public in confronting a troubled past. Although experts and a few community members enthusiastically promoted social healing through a variety of creative activities, much of the public retreated from participation. The nature of a full year of commemorative events is significantly different from many other forms of heritage work in South Africa today, because it engages the general public rather than a few select individuals. The Project revealed the still strong racial divide and self-concepts of many South Africans.

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-30
Author(s):  
Melody Brauns ◽  
Anne Stanton

The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of public healthcare to South Africans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Raju

South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy has been labeled a success. The growth in democratic institutions, transformation of the public service, extended basic services, and stabilization of the economy have been used to measure this success. Despite these successes, it is acknowledged that far too many South Africans are trapped in poverty, and South Africa still remains a highly unequal society. A major contributor to poverty and an unequal society is the poor quality of K–12 education for the majority and the continuation of that into higher education.


2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 687-690
Author(s):  
Dilip Menon

South Africans see themselves as a nation that loves sport, but with the World Cup in football imminent, there appears to be a sense of exhaustion both in the media and among the population. One important reason is that football does not dominate the public imagination of sport, as cricket and rugby do. The game is played and loved in the black townships, the fortunes of African football-playing nations are followed devotedly, and players such as Didier Drogba have a larger-than-life standing in the country. But football has not become a metaphor for the nation, as rugby and cricket have become. Whether this reflects a racial affiliation alone is hard to get at, because the local team, Bafana (which could be genially translated as “the boys”), are eighty-eighth in the FIFA rankings, without a ghost of a chance of winning the Cup, while at rugby and cricket, South Africa are world beaters.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakub Urbaniak

This study seeks to probe Nico Koopman’s Christological approach through the lens of the theological framework spelled out in the Kairos Document (1985), and in particular its understandings of church theology and prophetic theology, critically re-appropriated in the current socioeconomic context of South Africa. Four essential aspects of Koopman’s Christological perspective are examined: (1) the Reformed view of the lordship of Christ as the basis for the public vocation of theology; (2) Trinitarian and Christological foundations of human dignity; (3) Jesus as the epitome of divine and human vulnerability, and (4) the organic connection between the threefold office of Christ and the public calling of the church. In conclusion, I argue that Koopman’s Christ, albeit displaying an African veneer, upon scrutiny, appears to be unfamiliar with and unconcerned about the problems faced by most South Africans today, and thereby fails to constructively engage with African (especially black African) contexts of our day. This is due to four major factors, namely (a) Koopman’s choices regarding theological references; (b) his cursory and un-nuanced treatment of African theological notions; (c) his a-pathetic mode of theologising; and (d) his inability (or lack of willingness) to engage with structural (especially macro-economic) issues. I further suggest that my conclusions concerning Koopman’s “global Reformed Christ” may be (at least tentatively) extrapolated into a number of approaches developed by South African theologians under the umbrella of “public theology”. I also point to some promising (prophetically-loaded) insights coming from the chosen public theologians, including Koopman himself, as a way of illustrating the tension between civic spirit and public anger, inherent in this mode of theologising.


2021 ◽  

Following the release of the Public Protector’s State of Capture Report in November 2016, South Africans have been witness to an explosion of almost daily revelations of corruption, mismanagement and abuses by those entrusted to lead the nation. The extent of this betrayal is overwhelming and it is often difficult to distil what actually happened during the Zuma administration. This book draws on the insights and expertise of 19 contributors from various sectors and disciplines to provide an account of what transpired at strategic sites of the state capture project. The ongoing threat of state capture demands a response that probes beyond what happened to understanding how it was allowed to happen. The stubborn culture of corruption and misgovernance continue to manifest unabated and the predatory practices which enable state capture have not yet been disrupted. It is our hope that the various case studies and analyses presented in this book will contribute to confronting these shortcomings in current discourse, and open avenues for progressive deliberation on how to collectively reclaim the prospects of a just and prosperous South Africa for all.


Author(s):  
Mari Harris ◽  
Stephano Radaelli

The findings of the latest Markinor opinion poll on government performance indicate that two thirds of all South Africans believe that government’s ability to fight crime is at its lowest level since 2003 – despite the fact that official crime statistics are going down. But the survey also shows that many people are passive bystanders in the fight against crime and expect government to take full responsibility for bringing down the crime rate. It is argued that it will require a huge concerted and joint effort by government and the public to change the perception of South Africa as one of the crime hot spots of the world.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu

The football unity talks which formally began in October 1976 were important because sport was integral to the debate about the national question in South Africa. At the time, football as a sport code was designated in negative and racist undertones as a ‘sport for blacks’ and rugby, golf, athletics, hockey, cricket and swimming were regarded as sporting codes reserved for white South Africans. These sports benefited immensely in terms of generous funding, infrastructure and facilities provided by the apartheid regime. This paper will be based on the following themes. First, it will focus on the broad legislative measures which reinforced separate development and racism in South Africa and how these laws impacted on the development of sport. Second, it will scrutinize the role of the multilateral, worldwide antiapartheid movement and boycott movement, Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and the Confederation of African Football (CAF) in using football sanctions as a tool to fight apartheid and racism in sport. Third, the football unity talks of 1976 will be analysed. This discussion will focus on issues inside the boardroom, the football field and what took place outside the boardroom and off the football field. Lastly, the impact of the unity on the players and the public at large-including the development of professional football since 1976 will be reviewed. A major theme which runs through the different sections is defined by the use and abuse of football as a tool for public and sport diplomacy. This was because the football unity talks in South Africa were as a result of what was taking place in the world of international, continental, national and local politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-444
Author(s):  
Amanuel Isak Tewolde

Many scholars and South African politicians characterize the widespread anti-foreigner sentiment and violence in South Africa as dislike against migrants and refugees of African origin which they named ‘Afro-phobia’. Drawing on online newspaper reports and academic sources, this paper rejects the Afro-phobia thesis and argues that other non-African migrants such as Asians (Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and Chinese) are also on the receiving end of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. I contend that any ‘outsider’ (White, Asian or Black African) who lives and trades in South African townships and informal settlements is scapegoated and attacked. I term this phenomenon ‘colour-blind xenophobia’. By proposing this analytical framework and integrating two theoretical perspectives — proximity-based ‘Realistic Conflict Theory (RCT)’ and Neocosmos’ exclusivist citizenship model — I contend that xenophobia in South Africa targets those who are in close proximity to disadvantaged Black South Africans and who are deemed outsiders (e.g., Asian, African even White residents and traders) and reject arguments that describe xenophobia in South Africa as targeting Black African refugees and migrants.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-178
Author(s):  
Khatija Bibi Khan

The rapid production of films of diversity in post-1994 South Africa has unfortunately not been matched by critical works on film. Part of the reason is that some of the films recycle old themes that celebrate the worst in black people. Another possible reason could be that a good number of films wallow in personality praise, and certainly of Mandela, especially after his demise. Despite these problems of film criticism in post-1994 South Africa, it appears that some new critics have not felt compelled to waste their energy on analysing the Bantustan film – a kind of film that was made for black people by the apartheid system but has re-surfaced after 1994 in different ways. The patent lack of more critical works on film that engages the identities and social imaginaries of young and white South Africans is partly addressed in SKIN – a film that registers the mental growth and spiritual development of Sandra’s multiple selves. This article argues that SKIN portrays the racial neurosis of the apartheid system; and the question of identity affecting young white youths during and after apartheid is experienced at the racial, gender and sex levels.


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