SOUTH AFRICA IN THE CINEMATIC IMAGINARY: THE STORY OF A WHITE YOUTH IN SKIN

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-178
Author(s):  
Khatija Bibi Khan

The rapid production of films of diversity in post-1994 South Africa has unfortunately not been matched by critical works on film. Part of the reason is that some of the films recycle old themes that celebrate the worst in black people. Another possible reason could be that a good number of films wallow in personality praise, and certainly of Mandela, especially after his demise. Despite these problems of film criticism in post-1994 South Africa, it appears that some new critics have not felt compelled to waste their energy on analysing the Bantustan film – a kind of film that was made for black people by the apartheid system but has re-surfaced after 1994 in different ways. The patent lack of more critical works on film that engages the identities and social imaginaries of young and white South Africans is partly addressed in SKIN – a film that registers the mental growth and spiritual development of Sandra’s multiple selves. This article argues that SKIN portrays the racial neurosis of the apartheid system; and the question of identity affecting young white youths during and after apartheid is experienced at the racial, gender and sex levels.

2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham A. Duncan

Any society and its institutions are coercive. While acknowledging the invaluable contribution made by mission education towards the development of black South Africans, Lovedale Missionary Institution exemplifies the concept of a “total institution” susceptible to the problems of power relations. Those who studied there internalized its ethos. Coercive agency encouraged adaptation to missionary ideology. However, many Lovedale students rejected the mores of the religion and education they received as they challenged and resisted the effects of the coercive agency of internalization. Institutionalisation is, by nature, resistant to change as can be seen in the policies of the respective Principals of the Institution. Consequently, black people were alienated by a process of “exclusion”. The values of justice, love and peace are appropriate tools for a new model of education in South Africa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Khatija Bibi Khan

Twenty-two years into democracy, and South Africa is still producing white films for a black audience. In this film genre, black people participate as part of the cast but they are accorded questionable roles that distort important strides that the country has made to achieve racial reconciliation. Although black South Africans are participating in the production of films in South Africa, they have not been able to defeat the ghosts of liberalism that inform black films. The aim of this article is to draw attention to instances of stereotyping black children and young adults who are part of the casts of Sarafina! and Tsotsi. The article argues that, because people internalise the roles imposed on them, the cultural consequence of the creation of negative images is the production of a mentality among young black Africans that they are permanently disabled. Stereotyping is a pernicious mode of representing blacks because in the context of the post-1994 period, a numerical minority is a majority in terms of creating images and controlling the film industry, and a numerical majority is transformed into a numerical minority that assumes important role models and empowering images in films. This reality, which is informed by the ideology of white liberalism, has ensured that blacks remain marginalised in terms of the cultural creations offered through film in South Africa.


2021 ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Shaka Yesufu

The Spaza retail outlet is predominately found in South Africa’s black populated areas or townships. It also has a historical significance to it because, during the apartheid years, black people were not allowed to move freely by the white minority rule. This study is qualitative research where the author carried out an extensive literature review to look first, at the background, characteristics, challenges, and future directions that affect the Spaza micro businesses in South Africa. The research aims to first highlight the importance of micro-businesses. Second, to highlight the need for South Africa’s government initiatives to support small businesses for sustainable growth of the economy and to explore whether this support is far-reaching enough to protect the Spaza retail shops. The authors rely on Karl Marx's theory of class struggle as the theory informing the study. Some of the findings are: Spaza owners need to be more trained in business management, entrepreneurial skills, advertisement, social networking and marketing research, accounting and bookkeeping, technology, and innovation concerning promoting their businesses. The Spaza's annual revenue stream for the South Africa government currently stands at 5.2 % of the GDP.


Author(s):  
Mpfariseni Budeli

South Africa was under the apartheid rule for around fifty years. Apartheid was formally established by the National Party when it came to power in 1948. In terms of the apartheid policy, the government belonged to the White people who enjoyed all human rights and were entitled to rule the country to the detriment of the Black people despite the latter constituting the overwhelming majority of the population. The apartheid regime eventually came to an end in the early 1990s. Following the ending of the dictatorial regime, a new Constitution was adopted and the first democratic elections were held in South Africa. [T]his paper reflects on the road that South Africans have gone from Apartheid to democracy and good political governance, on what they have achieved as well as the challenges and prospects for democratic governance in the country. Keywords: South Africa; apartheid; Constitution; governance; democracy and human rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-73
Author(s):  
Michael Kok ◽  
Jan K. Coetzee ◽  
Florian Elliker

The institutionalized racism that once subjugated the Black majority during South Africa’s apartheid years gave way after 1994 to legislature that aims to bring the country into a new era of egalitarianism. A striking result of this has been the steady flow of young Black people achieving upward mobility and making the transition into the middle- and upper-classes. This article explores young Black South Africans’ lived experiences of upward mobility, as well as their efforts to negotiate between separate and often contrasting identities by applying an interpretive sociological framework to their narrative accounts.


1993 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 979-982 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Naidoo ◽  
Basil J. Pillay

The study examined parasuicide behaviour in black (people of African origin) South Africans. The subjects comprised 51 cases of parasuicide, with a mean age of 23.5 yr. (the majority being women), referred over a one-year period. For most patients it was the first parasuicide attempt, and the majority used methods of self-poisoning. In addition, they were mostly single and had experienced early parental loss.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1604-1612
Author(s):  
Nomna Linda Jobodwana ◽  
Rendani Tshifhumulo

The promise of a better life for all made by the South African government in 1994 remains unfulfilled, as many South Africans are still living in the margins of the economy where unemployment and poverty are rampant. People living with disabilities (PLWDs) are the worst affected, as they are poor with no access to jobs and housing. Despite the enactment of the Employment Equity Act (EEA) Number 55 of 1988, employment opportunities for black PLWDs are scarce in South Africa. This is due to, among other reasons, the fact that employers are reluctant to employ disabled people. This narrative study examined the experiences of black people living with disabilities (PLWDs) in Soshanguve Township, Tshwane, South Africa. It employed the symbolic interactionist (SI) theory as a lens to gain insights into the experiences of black women and men living with disabilities in their quest to access employment opportunities. The study was exploratory qualitative in nature and employed the case study design approach. Data were collected using a purposive sample of 15 black men and women living with disabilities in the Soshanguwe Township with whom in-depth interviews were conducted. This was complemented by focus group interviews with 13 purposively selected respondents who met the selection criteria. Findings were that people living with disabilities (PLWDs) were discriminated against and marginalised in employment and the workplace before and after post–apartheid South Africa. This situation leaves them inactive, economically disadvantaged and poor. The study expands knowledge on the experiences of black men and women who live with disabilities, thereby contributing towards the design of public policies and other social security interventions meant to alleviate the plight of marginalised communities in general and people living with disabilities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-444
Author(s):  
Amanuel Isak Tewolde

Many scholars and South African politicians characterize the widespread anti-foreigner sentiment and violence in South Africa as dislike against migrants and refugees of African origin which they named ‘Afro-phobia’. Drawing on online newspaper reports and academic sources, this paper rejects the Afro-phobia thesis and argues that other non-African migrants such as Asians (Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and Chinese) are also on the receiving end of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. I contend that any ‘outsider’ (White, Asian or Black African) who lives and trades in South African townships and informal settlements is scapegoated and attacked. I term this phenomenon ‘colour-blind xenophobia’. By proposing this analytical framework and integrating two theoretical perspectives — proximity-based ‘Realistic Conflict Theory (RCT)’ and Neocosmos’ exclusivist citizenship model — I contend that xenophobia in South Africa targets those who are in close proximity to disadvantaged Black South Africans and who are deemed outsiders (e.g., Asian, African even White residents and traders) and reject arguments that describe xenophobia in South Africa as targeting Black African refugees and migrants.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
Christina Landman

Dullstroom-Emnotweni is the highest town in South Africa. Cold and misty, it is situated in the eastern Highveld, halfway between the capital Pretoria/Tswane and the Mozambique border. Alongside the main road of the white town, 27 restaurants provide entertainment to tourists on their way to Mozambique or the Kruger National Park. The inhabitants of the black township, Sakhelwe, are remnants of the Southern Ndebele who have lost their land a century ago in wars against the whites. They are mainly dependent on employment as cleaners and waitresses in the still predominantly white town. Three white people from the white town and three black people from the township have been interviewed on their views whether democracy has brought changes to this society during the past 20 years. Answers cover a wide range of views. Gratitude is expressed that women are now safer and HIV treatment available. However, unemployment and poverty persist in a community that nevertheless shows resilience and feeds on hope. While the first part of this article relates the interviews, the final part identifies from them the discourses that keep the black and white communities from forming a group identity that is based on equality and human dignity as the values of democracy.


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