scholarly journals Od hagiografskog obrasca do političkog elaborata - škrinja Sv. Šimuna, zadarska arca d’oro

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nikola Jakšić

The casket of St Simeon the God-Receiver is the most representative work in the applied arts of the Croatian Trecento and, at the same time, one which displays great iconographic complexity. Although it was the subject of two monographs and a large number of individual articles, a whole set of questions remains open and awaits plausible interpretations. Particularly great problems are connected to the interpretation of a number of scenes which were understood differently by different scholars. At the same time, it can be noted that the discussion about the casket’s complex iconographic programme lacks a study which would address it as a unique a coherent whole in which every single scene is viewed as its irreplaceable constituent part. This article aims to demonstrate that the casket’s iconographic programme, especially that of the eight panels on its main body, was selected and arranged according to a carefully developed programme the creators of which were five noblemen of Zadar to whom Queen Elizabeth, the wife of the powerful King Louis I the Great of Hungary (1342-1382), entrusted not only the silver for the making of the casket but other important details connected to the commission such as the choice of the artist and, even more importantly, the selection of the scenes through which the casket communicated with its spectators. There is no doubt that the queen had her own demands with regard to what was depicted as can be seen in the opulent dedicatory inscription which records that she was the patron of the casket but also in the donation scene where she appears together with her daughters. It can also be said with certainty that she gave instructions for the somewhat unusual panel which depicts her standing by the catafalque of her father, Ban Stephen of Bosnia (+1354) who is being sent off to the next world by St Simeon the Righteous. It should mentioned that Ban Stephen was considered a heretic – a Bogomil – which means that being a Catholic queen, his daughter attempted to rectify the past with this panel. All these scenes are at the back of the casket. The queen undoubtedly also had a say in the selection of scenes which were depicted on the front. Those relate to the life of St Simeon which, considering that we know of only one event in his life, was done in a very skilful way: the central panel shows the saint receiving the Christ Child in the scene of the Presentation in the Temple while the panels to its left and right depict the translation of the saint’s relics which have not been identified as such in the scholarly literature. The translation consists of three scenes which are always present in the cases of translation: the finding of the body (inventio corporis), the transport of the body to a new place (translatio corporis) and, finally, the placing of the body to a new site where it would remain in the future (colocatio corporis). These three scenes were interpreted by the noblemen of Zadar in an idiosyncratic way in order to affirm the medieval Zadar and its nobility on the casket itself. The scene of the inventio corporis depicts the rectors of Zadar intervening at the last moment before a group of monks from the outskirts of town get hold of the body and place it in their monastery. In the scene of the colocatio corporis, the body of St Simeon is being carried into the Church of St Mary Major in the presence of King Louis and the grateful citizens who are led by the Bishop Nicholas Matafar. This scene depicts the return of the saint’s body from Venice where, according to the author of this article, it had been taken during the local uprising against the Venetian rule (1346-1358). At the same time, the visual message of the two scenes which flank the central one was to show that the exclusive ownership of the relics belonged to the citizens of Zadar. The conflict with the monks which erupted on a local level is being resolved by the local authorities, that is, the rectors of Zadar. When the problem becomes ‘bilateral’, that is, when it involves Venice, the dispute is settled (to the benefit of the citizens of Zadar) by their sovereign, the king of Hungary and Croatia.The visual interpretation of the translation depicted on the casket relies greatly on the scenes from the cycle of the translation of the body of St Mark from the façade of St Mark’s basilica at Venice (the discovery and exhumation of the body, the transport of the body on a ship, the placing of the body in a new shrine). The author of the article, therefore, frequently compares the scenes on the Zadar casket to those from Venice.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-29
Author(s):  
Tonny Andrian

The subject of the unity of the church has appeared several times during the period of church history as a major subject. Even in the 20th century, differences of opinion on the subject of unity led to divisions. This point cannot be ignored. That is why the researcher conducted an integrated exegessa study on the meaning of the Church as the unity of the body of Christ Ephesians 2: 11-22. Ephesians 2: 11-22 is not a separate passage, but integrative, with other passages in the book of Ephesians. (this would be integrative both with Ephesians 2: 1-10 and Ephesians 4: 1-6) The conjunction "therefore" in Ephesians 2.11, describes the preceding verses that speak of grace. The suffering of Jesus Christ and His sacrifice on the cross, and His shed blood, are manifestations of grace that saves sinners. A demonstration of grace, which is free gift. It is the grace that saves people from sin. Thus Ephesians 2: 11-22 must be seen as a context that comes from grace. The saving or salvation based on the grace of God, as a building body of Christ, which is a union, which was previously "distant", ie those who are without Christ, not belonging to the citizens of Israel, become one body of Christ as intended by God. Ephesians 2: 11-22 explains that the unification of the body of Christ is a reflection of the journey of a Christian individual who has been saved by the grace of Christ God, is united or united with other Christian individuals to move towards the unity of building the body of Christ, as the Temple of God. the church as the unified Body of Christ, is built on the teachings of the Apostles and Prophets. Thus, the church, which has a government, a doctrine that may not be the same as one another, but the church is a unity in the bonds of the Spirit of peace, one faith, one Baptism, one god, one GOD the FATHER of all God, as salt and The light of the world, brings transformation and restoration for the world, through the carrying out of the task of the grace of Christ, namely the preaching of the gospel of the kingdom of heaven, so that all knees will kneel and all tongues confess that Jesus Christ is Lord to the glory of the heavenly Father.


Augustinus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-448
Author(s):  
Diana Stanciu ◽  

How to characterize the scriptural exegesis that Augustine of Hippo develops in the Sermons on Scripture? The interpretations of the pericope of the act of faith of the centurion (Matth. 8:5-13) allow, by comparison, to provide elements of answer to this question. Only two continuous commentaries of it are preserved in the works of Augustine: the Sermon 62 (Carthage, 399) and the Sermon Morin 6 (409). It is, however, the subject of some sixty mentions, covering all genres (letters, exegetical treatises, polemics) and almost all chronological and polemical contexts (Manicheism, Donatism, Pelagianism). With this pericope, Augustine reminds both the Manicheans that Scripture must be received with faith, and the Donatists that members of the Church come from the east and the west. The accents are very different in the two sermons: the clearly theological perspective in the Sermo Morin 6 is colored in the Sermo 62 of a discrete and complex rhetorical use which aims to prepare the exhortation not to go to the banquets of the idols that form the second part of this sermon. Augustine’s homiletic exegesis enters into full consonance with the double inscription of the sermon in its liturgical and historical contexts: the first involves developing the faith of the faithful to unify the Body of Christ and the second to lead them to put into practice the requirements of this faith in the concrete circumstances of their lives. The themes of homiletic exegesis then con- tribute to making the sermon one of the mediations of grace in the work in the liturgy.


1993 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. Van der Walt ◽  
M. J. Du P Beukes

Heading toward new ministerial structures: A situationanalysis of the local congregation According to 2 Corinthians 3:18 the church has the instruction to be transformed so to become part of the body of Christ more and more. But it does happen that the church stagnate in its ministry. The purpose of the subject Church Growth is to adress this problem. One phase of this subject is the analysis of the situation in the local church. The purpose of the analysis is to systematically look at the situation in a congregation of the church and then to identify problems that stand in the way of fulfilling of the Biblical command. The situation- analysis can not be done at random, but must be planned carefully. This study gives attention to a planned situation-analysis of the local church.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
Ruqaiyyah Waris Maqsood

As Prince Charles commented in his opening words, "Jordan has long been conspicuousas a land of tolerance and peaceful coexistence between people of different faiths,"a coexistence increasingly abused by extremists of all three faiths included in the phraseAhl al Kitiib (People of the Book). Prince Hassan 's original intent in writing this book wasto brief Muslim Arabs on the nature of Christianity and Christian religious institutions.His major focus is on the historical development of the Eastern Christian traditions in theMuslim Arab milieu and the standing of Christians in Arab society today. ft is his intentionto provide Muslim Arabs with accurate and concise information about the Christianswho historically have lived in their midst. The text was first published in English andArabic by the Royal Institute for Inter-faith studies in Amman, Jordan. and should be classifiedunder both historical and theological sections. It is in wide demand in the Westbecause of the paucity of easily accessible relevant information.The Arab Christian tradition goes back to Christianity's very earliest days, antedatingIslam by those six centuries that witnessed the growth of Christian Trinitarian theology,the spread of the Church, and the division of that Church into different communions.Some of these historical communions have survived in the Arab world and bear titles thatusually are greeted with complete ignorance on the part of Christian tourists encounteringChristianity in Arab lands for the first time.As an overall picture of the historical development of Christian doctrine, this bookpresents the main features and arguments with exceptional clarity and a highly admirabledepth of understanding of extremely confusing issues. A more clear, precise, concisegestalt picture of the subject does not exist, so far as I know. The reader can follow thereasons for the various theological developments, the schisms that arose, and the passionswith which various positions and views were defended.The text is academic, excellent at history and explanation, and displays a sensitiveawareness of words and concepts that require careful definition. The Prince has presentedthe world of religious scholars and the issues that were so important to them that theywere (and remain) willing to sacrifice everything, even life. It does not show the world ofactual church people who regard themselves as the body of the living Christ, the devotedfollowers who strive to live good, prayerful lives pleasing to God by imitating the way ofJesus to the best of their ability. This is not a criticism, but I felt the book would have beenimproved with a short section on Christian spirituality to counter all the nitpicking andskullduggery that went on in the theological realm ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-170
Author(s):  
Kalis Stevanus

The Bible records many texts dealing with the subject of healing the body. This study uses a literature approach by digging sources from journal articles and books and then analyzing them using the Bible to produce in-depth and comprehensive theological conclusions. The conclusion of this study shows that healing of the body can occur through natural healing, medical healing, and divine healing miracles or miracles. The implication is theological; Christians may believe that miracle healing still exists and can pray to God so that healing that comes from Him can be experienced now. And the practical implication is that Christians must still be responsible for taking care of their bodies' health proportionally because their bodies are the temple of God.


Author(s):  
Nidhi Sharma ◽  
Reetesh K. Singh

Purpose Scholars for long have been interested in finding effective ways to assess organizational effectiveness. However, lack of consensus on its definition, and consequently on measure parameters has dogged researchers, almost to the point that some academics have declared organizational effectiveness a subject that cannot be researched. The purpose of this paper is to present a unified model of organizational effectiveness by recognizing the underlying synergy in the body of research – a framework that could guide future research on organizational effectiveness as a comprehensive, but contextual paradigm. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on extensive exploratory review and critique of extant literature on organizational effectiveness. Findings The lack of consensus among scholars on the meaning of organizational effectiveness and its measures is primarily the result of compartmentalized perspectives. The authors found that there is an underlying synergy among them. Basis a big picture review and analysis of extant literature, the authors have been able to identify a unifying framework for the apparently disparate and conflicting models of organizational effectiveness. Practical implications This paper can provide guidance to managers on appropriate selection of organizational effectiveness measures, and to scholars on developing a more holistic and pragmatic research approach on the subject. It can potentially lead to development of context-based scales that facilitate meaningful comparative studies. Originality/value This paper presents a unified model and framework for organizational effectiveness by building on the valuable but disparate contributions of previous researchers. The authors believe that this is a novel attempt that simplifies the discourse on organizational effectiveness, and will help to remove some of the negativity around the research subject.


Exchange ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masiiwa Ragies Gunda

AbstractReconstruction theology in Africa has been the latest theological project coming out of Africa, beginning in 1990 it has gradually established itself and from 2003 a number of publications have come out on the subject. This paper seeks to make an addition to this growing list of publications. In this paper, I question the validity of the blame of external forces for all the woes that Africa is going through now. I instead propose that a functional reconstruction theology should primarily tackle the evil that we commit against ourselves. When we deal with this evil we have a likelihood of bringing African people into a proper unified group that can stand together against foreign elements. I also take issue with the selection of Nehemiah as the model upon which we can do our reconstruction theology. It is in this context that this paper suggests the prophet Amos over and above Jesus as the right model needed to confront the sort of problems we face as Africans. There is need for the church in Africa to undergo a reconstruction of its own after which the church can lead in the African reconstruction. This paper brings to the fore the painful realities of internally perpetrated evils, which are bigger than has been appreciated in many earlier contributions.


1881 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 362-364
Author(s):  
C. T. Newton

I copied this inscription in 1855 from a marble found in a garden near the Marina, called Blyko, in the island of Kalymnos, the ancient Kalymna. On this site formerly stood the Church of Panagia Kalymniotissa.In the year 1854 I explored the site of the Temple of Apollo in that island and discovered there a number of inscriptions, most of which will appear in Part II. of the work on Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum, of which Part I. was published in 1874.The inscription which I have here selected for publication, and which was not taken away by me from Kalymnos, is one of a well-known class which relate to the enfranchisement of slaves, and of which many examples have been found at Delphi and elsewhere. The forms and conditions of such enfranchisement varied in different places (See M. Foucart's article, Apeleutheroi, in Daremberg, Dictionnaire des Antiquités, where the subject is very fully treated).


Author(s):  
Степан Сергеевич Ванеян

После того как был прослежен опыт строительства, созидания и разрушения в Первом Завете, стало возможно обратиться уже к Новому Завету, построенному как текстуальный канон вокруг единого христологического центра - исповедания Иисуса как Мессии и более того - как воплощенного Божественного Слова. Так как имеются в виду реалии текстуального свойства, то важно себе представлять все эпистемологические особенности рецепции некоторых семантических пространств-топосов, задаваемых в первую очередь керигмой, т. е. личным возвещением опыта встречи с Иисусом, принимаемым Христом - пасхально и евхаристически. Эти новые отношения с Богом, отличные от опыта Первого Завета, оформляются в качестве некоторых метафорических конструкций, которые выглядят как те или иные текстуально-символические действия, обращенные на конкретные пространственные отношения - в виде домов, синагог и, главное, Храма. Судьба Храма в Новом Завете - трагическая: он подвергается уже на уровне текста разрушению и упразднению. Но за этим - опыт телесности: она и замещающая реальность (плоть заменяет тело здания как скиния Небесная - земную), и реальность трансформируемая (тело, завеса, плоть, пелена, община как слагаемые камни Царства). В результате же - опыт метафорической и риторической конструкции Откровения Иоанна, о котором наша следующая попытка «архитектонической экзегезы», призванная финализировать опыт разрушения и созидания, ложного и подлинного, оскверненного и очищенного, проклятого и оправданного - спасенного. Having examined the experience of building and destruction in the First Testament, it is possible to focus on the New Testament, built as a textual canon around the one christological center - professing Christ as the Messiah and the embodied Word of God. As we focus on textual properties, it is essential to understand the epistemological element of the perception of certain semantic spaces/topoi, based, first and foremost, on kerigma - personal proclamation of meeting Jesus, who is recognized as the Christ of Easter and the Eucharist. These new relationships with God, different from those of the First Testament, are built as metaphorical structures that look like certain textual-symbolic actions referring to specific spatial relations shaped as houses, synagogues and the Temple. The fate of the Temple in the New Testament is tragic: it is destroyed and abolished even at the textual level. Behind it is the experience of corporeality as a replacement reality: flesh replaces the body of the building, and similarly, the Heavenly tabernacle replaces the earthly one. This reality is being transformed: the body, the flesh, the community - altogether become stones of the Kingdom. And as a result - St. John's Revelation, his metaphorical and rhetorical construction, which is the subject of our following attempt at 'architectonic exegesis', invoked to finalize the experience of the destruction and structuring, of the false and true, of the desecrated and cleansed, of the condemned and saved.


2000 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
JANE SAYERS

The arrival of St Augustine in England from Rome in 597 was an event of profound significance, for it marked the beginnings of relations between Rome and Canterbury. To later generations this came to mean relations between the papacy in its universal role, hence the throne of St Peter, and the metropolitical see of Canterbury and the cathedral priory of Christ Church, for the chair of St Augustine was the seat of both a metropolitan and an abbot. The archiepiscopal see and the cathedral priory were inextricably bound in a unique way.Relations with Rome had always been particularly close, both between the archbishops and the pope and between the convent and the pope. The cathedral church of Canterbury was dedicated to the Saviour (Christ Church) as was the papal cathedral of the Lateran. Gregory had sent the pallium to Augustine in sign of his metropolitan rank. There had been correspondence with Rome from the first. In Eadmer's account of the old Anglo-Saxon church, it was built in the Roman fashion, as Bede testifies, imitating the church of the blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, in which the most sacred relics in the whole world are venerated. Even more precisely, the confessio of St Peter was copied at Canterbury. As Eadmer says, ‘From the choir of the singers one went up to the two altars (of Christ and of St Wilfrid) by some steps, since there was a crypt underneath, what the Romans call a confessio, built like the confessio of St Peter.’ (Eadmer had both visited Rome in 1099 and witnessed the fire that destroyed the old cathedral some thirty years before in 1067.) And there, in the confessio, Eadmer goes on to say, Alfege had put the head of St Swithun and there were many other relics. The confessio in St Peter's had been constructed by Pope Gregory the Great and contained the body of the prince of the Apostles and it was in a niche here that the pallia were put before the ceremony of the vesting, close to the body of St Peter. There may be, too, another influence from Rome and old St Peter's on the cathedral at Canterbury. The spiral columns in St Anselm's crypt at Canterbury, which survived the later fire of 1174, and are still standing, were possibly modelled on those that supported St Peter's shrine. These twisted columns were believed to have been brought to Rome from the Temple of Solomon. At the end of the sixth century, possibly due to Gregory the Great, they were arranged to form an iconostasis-like screen before the apostle's shrine. Pope Gregory III in the eighth century had added an outer screen of six similar columns, the present of the Byzantine Exarch, of which five still survive. They are practically the only relics of the old basilica to have been preserved in the new Renaissance St Peter's.


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