scholarly journals Irving Kristol — svjetovni teolog kapitalizma

Author(s):  
Erma Ivoš

In Irving Kristol, the professor and publicist who coined the prefix »neo« and the creator of the sintagm neo-conservatism, American neoconservatism of the eighties has found its political ideologue. In his last book, Two Cheers for Capitalism, which is the immediate occassion of this analysis, he expresses his concern for the fate of American democracy and the capitalist system in USA. The onslaught of egalitarians and the demand for a democracy without bounds, has produced a cultural, followed by an economic crisis, which brings about the loss of the political, economic and moral legitimacy of the American society. The solution of the present crisis, which is of a structural nature, Irving Kristol sees in the return to a traditional capitalist ethos and the politics of laissez faire, as well as to the values affirmed by the state of labour and not the welfare state. The free market as the selector of individual abilities, private property and a rational economy represent the essence of capitalism not only as a free but as a just society. The author in addition believes that socialist societies, founded on diametrically opposite values, are more historical deviations that will end up on the dunghill of history.

Author(s):  
Thomas Borstelmann

This chapter examines American anxieties about the longstanding foundations of American society and thought. By the 1970s, American society would be buffeted by powerful crosscurrents which reshaped both the nation and the world beyond it. Military, political, economic, and environmental crises unfolded rapidly on top of each other, leaving many citizens uncertain of which to address first and how to do so. In the backwash of defeat in Vietnam and humiliation from the Watergate scandal, and in the midst of inflation and an oil crisis, distrust of government pervaded American society, the loss of confidence in public authority laid the foundation for deregulation and a turn toward the free market, a path that led to growing disparities between rich and poor. At the same time, the more tolerant and individualistic mainstream American culture increasingly rejected old forms of group discrimination and inequality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 975-1006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredrik Meiton

AbstractContrary to conventional wisdom, the history of the Palestine mandate and its power relations were not determined solely by a series of legal measures, beginning with the 1917 Balfour Declaration and ending with the UNGA partition resolution of 1947. Rather, the emergence of modern Palestine was a process significantly guided by global technocapitalism. Palestine was constituted on the basis of a successful Zionist pitch for the area as an economically viable territory—as an area of production and consumption and crucially also as an entity locatable in the global circulation of capital and commodities. A central vehicle for this technocapitalist vision in Palestine—proposed by the Zionists, and enthusiastically adopted by the British—was a hydroelectrical megasystem in the Jordan Valley. Significant portions of the mandate's borders were mapped onto the station's technical blueprint, and conceiving of and building the powerhouse created not just borders, but also “Palestine,” a bounded entity with a distinct political and economic character. While the electrification, like Zionism in general, was justified in a language of egalitarian universalism, the power system and the “free-market” capitalist system it helped create in Palestine generated familiar kinds of political and economic inequality. Specifically, it conjured a political-economic order based on a Jewish national scale in which the Arabs were expected to supply the menial labor power in return for the economic development that was to lift all boats.


Author(s):  
Artem Kosheliev

The article discusses the social and economic prerequisites for the formation of a “biographical culture” in the United States during the XX – beginning XXI centuries. Under the term “biographical culture”, the author understands the process of creating biographical narratives. Also, this term includes social-economic conditions in which biographical narratives influence the creation of the image of a certain personality in the collective consciousness. Using the comparative method, the study analyzes the socio-economic systems of the two states, within which were formed various “biographical cultures”. The article defines three criteria for the development of the state and society, which directly affect the creation of this culture. The first criterion is the presence or absence of a free market in the state. The second criterion is the existence of censorship in the state. The third criterion is the degree of development of the infrastructure for the distribution of biographical works and the level of its state`s dependence. The analysis based on the thesis that active and passive societies exist in different countries. Their development depends on the political, economic and ideological conditions. Based on the study, the author concluded that US society is classified as active. This means that it can produce and distribute biographical works independently without pressure from the state. Accordingly, the images of personalities created in biographical works in the USA reflect the preferences and value orientations of American society. Social values, which are reflected in the way of creating the image of a biography`s hero, develop and transform organically, but not under the pressure of a state machine.


Author(s):  
Thomas Borstelmann

This book looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of failures epitomized by Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, global unrest, and disillusionment with military efforts in Vietnam, this book creates a new framework for understanding the period and its legacy. It demonstrates how the 1970s increased social inclusiveness and, at the same time, encouraged commitments to the free market and wariness of government. As a result, American culture and much of the rest of the world became more—and less—equal. This book explores how the 1970s forged the contours of contemporary America. Military, political, and economic crises undercut citizens' confidence in government. Free market enthusiasm led to lower taxes, a volunteer army, individual 401(k) retirement plans, free agency in sports, deregulated airlines, and expansions in gambling and pornography. At the same time, the movement for civil rights grew, promoting changes for women, gays, immigrants, and the disabled. And developments were not limited to the United States. Many countries gave up colonial and racial hierarchies to develop a new formal commitment to human rights, while economic deregulation spread to other parts of the world, from Chile and the United Kingdom to China. Placing a tempestuous political culture within a global perspective, this book shows that the decade wrought irrevocable transformations upon American society and the broader world that continue to resonate today.


Author(s):  
Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite

This chapter examines Thatcherite rhetoric about class and individualism. Thatcher needed to distance herself from her own, narrow, upper-middle-class image; she also wanted to rid politics of class language, and thought that class was—or should be—irrelevant in 1980s Britain because of ‘embourgeoisement’. For Thatcher, ‘bourgeois’ was defined by particular values (thrift, hard work, self-reliance) and she wanted to use the free market to incentivize more of the population to display these values, which she thought would lead to a moral and also a prosperous society. Thatcherite individualism rested on the assumption that people were rational, self-interested, but also embedded in families and communities. The chapter reflects on what these conclusions tell us about ‘Thatcherism’ as a political ideology, and how these beliefs influenced Thatcherite policy on the welfare state, monetarism, and trade unionism. Finally, it examines Major’s rhetoric of the ‘classless society’ in the 1990s.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (15) ◽  
pp. 4659
Author(s):  
William Hongsong Wang ◽  
Vicente Moreno-Casas ◽  
Jesús Huerta de Soto

Renewable energy (RE) is one of the most popular public policy orientations worldwide. Compared to some other countries and continents, Europe has gained an early awareness of energy and environmental problems in general. At the theoretical level, free-market environmentalism indicates that based on the principle of private property rights, with fewer state interventionist and regulation policies, entrepreneurs, as the driving force of the market economy, can provide better services to meet the necessity of offering RE to protect the environment more effectively. Previous studies have revealed that Germany, Denmark, and the United Kingdom have made some progress in using the market to develop RE. However, this research did not analyze the three countries’ RE conditions from the perspective of free-market environmentalism. Based on our review of the principles of free-market environmentalism, this paper originally provides an empirical study of how Germany, Denmark, and the United Kingdom have partly conducted free-market-oriented policies to successfully achieve their policy goal of RE since the 1990s on a practical level. In particular, compared with Germany and Denmark, the UK has maintained a relatively low energy tax rate and opted for more pro-market measures since the Hayekian-Thatcherism free-market reform of 1979. The paper also discovers that Fredrich A. Hayek’s theories have strongly impacted its energy liberalization reform agenda since then. Low taxes on the energy industry and electricity have alleviated the burden on the electricity enterprises and consumers in the UK. Moreover, the empirical results above show that the energy enterprises play essential roles in providing better and more affordable RE for household and industrial users in the three sampled countries. Based on the above results, the paper also warns that state intervention policies such as taxation, state subsidies, and industrial access restrictions can impede these three countries’ RE targets. Additionally, our research provides reform agendas and policy suggestions to policymakers on the importance of implementing free-market environmentalism to provide more efficient RE in the post-COVID-19 era.


2021 ◽  
Vol 296 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
AnnА KOZACHENKO ◽  

The article highlights the views of scientists on the allocation of periods (stages) in the history of internal control, which differ in the following features: the emergence and development of socio – economic relations that existed at different times; diversification of objects and subjects of control; complicating the tasks of control over the different levels of development of productive forces and equipment of each society; specific methodological techniques. Thus, the first manifestations of control are observed during the period of primitive communal system. The period of slavery is considered the stage of the emergence of internal control. Characteristic of this period was physical coercion to work. In the period of the feudal system, the peculiarities of the development of socio-economic formation of European states are the distinction between external and internal audit, and accounting registers to reflect the facts of economic life, which served for entries in the accounts of the General Ledger. In addition, control activities were manifested in the movement of credit and settlement transactions between buyers, in settlements between buyers and banks, in production processes and private ownership of the means of production. The capitalist system of production did not require many special control bodies, and its functions were carried out directly by the owners of the means of production. The basis of capitalism was the private property of the bourgeoisie on the means of production, but not on the worker, who at that time received more freedom. It was during the communist formation that thorough work was carried out on the methodological support of internal economic control, but its active development began after the declaration of independence of Ukraine, by borrowing the foundations in foreign countries. Thus, the periodization presented in the article helps to trace the historical aspect of the development and formation of internal control as a control system as a whole, in a certain period of time in which.


Author(s):  
John Marangos

The fundamental basis of the neoclassical gradualist approach to transition in Russia and Eastern Europe was to establish economic, institutional, political, and ideological structures before attempting liberalization. Without this minimum foundation, radical reforms would have inhibited the development of a competitive market capitalist system. This was because "privatization, marketization, and the introduction of competition cannot be contemplated in an economy reduced to barter" (Carrington 1992, 24). Also, implementation of the reform program required minimum standards ofliving; otherwise the social fabric of the whole society would have been at risk. The reform had to foster a social consensus that endorsed a system of secure private property rights (Murrell, 1995, 171) and had to be guided by the principles of voluntariness and free choice (Kornai, 1992b, 17).


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