“Take the Mask Off”

Author(s):  
Paul Young

On March 10, 1895, a young woman named Maud Clark wrote a letter to writer, performer, and activist Paul Laurence Dunbar in which she told him to “take the mask off.” This article takes this phrase as its analytical point of departure, seeking to reconceptualise, retheorise, and reinvestigate Dunbar’s biography through Clark’s words and the symbol of the mask. Repositioning Dunbar’s biography within the political, aesthetic, and psychological realities of his world, the article takes the symbol of Paul Laurence Dunbar in new directions, recognising the limitations of traditional biography and instead working toward a new and multifarious understanding of the man and his many masks.

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 857-873
Author(s):  
Marie Moran ◽  
Jo Littler

This article unpacks the concept of ‘cultural populism’ in multiple ways, and explores its value for the critical analysis of new formations and expressions of populism in the current conjuncture. Taking Jim McGuigan’s influential book, Cultural Populism, as our point of departure, we begin by exploring its earlier use in cultural studies as a critical term for apolitical/celebratory modes of analysis, and then argue it may be usefully extended today to refer to popular and political efforts to construct a ‘people’ in overtly cultural terms. Second, we make the case for renewing an expressly ‘critical populist’ stance, one that is attentive to ordinary tastes and pleasures, while also locating and analysing them in relation to the production of needs and desires within a capitalist political economy, and that is attuned to the political possibilities for change. Third, we argue that the resources of cultural studies should be mobilised to redress some of the deficiencies of dominant accounts of populism from political science, and suggest that the twin concepts of cultural and critical populism offer an advance over the elitist and culturally reductive mode of analysis associated with Inglehart and Norris’ conception of ‘cultural backlash’. We conclude by offering an overview of the other contributions to the special issue, as they seek to push the concept of cultural populism in new directions, while also critically engaging with residual, dominant and emergent popular and populist currents in these new populist times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Lükő

A cikk a szakképzési törvény megjelenésének 25. évfordulója alkalmából rendezett „25 éves a szakképzési törvény - Korszakos változások - új irányok” című konferencia előadása alapján készült, amelyet a szerző vezette Az első szakképzési törvény gazdasági- társadalmi környezete nemzetközi kitekintésbe című Panel keretében tartott.Ez a negyedszázados esemény a társadalmi-gazdasági szinten zajló rendszerváltás fontos része volt a másik két oktatási alrendszer törvényi szabályozásával együtt.Az írás ezt a korszakot, illetve a törvényhez kapcsolódó gazdasági-társadalmi környezetet mutatja be nemzetközi kontextusban.A téma elvi-elméleti felvezetéseként a szerző áttekinti a különböző szempontok és léptékek szerinti szakképzési modelleket, amelyek a világban fellelhetők. The government formed after the political events in 1989 considered the comprehensive transformation of the educational system, primarily by legal regulation, as one of their main tasks. After years of preparation, the three acts on education were passed in 1993, including the Act on VET. Several documents, e.g. the National Qualification Registry, are connected to this law; in this article I have undertaken to examine these connections and to make comparisons to other countries. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the law taking effect, on May 5th 2018 the Hungarian Association for Pedagogy and the Teacher Training Centre of the BME organized a monumental conference titled The Law on VET becomes 25 years old – Epochal changes – new directions in Budapest at the BME. After the plenary sessions, five panels were held – I was the moderator of the one titled: The socio-economic environment of the first VET act in an international dimension, and I held a short lecture here with a similar title. 


Author(s):  
Jean Louis Halpérin

Bentham has defended the idea of a general codification as a “map of the law” that could allow the comparison between the laws of different nations. This essay aims to use this relationship about the ideas of codifying the law and mapping the laws to think about the possibility of mapping the history of codification, taking as its point of departure the writing specialized codes - not only the civil codes. Mapping can be a means to deal with the relationships between the countries adopting a code, the opportunity to consider the relationships between the codes and the creation of new States, the national processes of unification, the adoption, the political and social revolutions and ruptures. Also, it will try to make correspondences between these phenomena in order to construct tables that could be represented through future maps.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Helsig

Tying up to previous narrative work that is concerned with the interrelations between big story and small story research (Bamberg, 2006; Freeman, 2006; Georgakopoulou, 2006b), this article aims to demonstrate that big story research can profit from methodological procedures that understand narrative research interviews as interactional encounters and positions assigned to the narrator during this encounter as impinging on the biographic accounts they deliver. For that purpose, I take the interaction between the interviewer and the interviewee — both before and during the actual interview — as an analytical point of departure and argue that the self-constructions that narrators undertake when engaging in (auto)biographic self-reflection have to and can only be understood against the background of this embedding interaction.


Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


2020 ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Leila Brännström

In recent years the Sweden Democrats have championed a clarification of the identity of the ‘the people’ in the Instrument of government. The reference, they argue, should be to the ethnic group of Swedes. This chapter will take this ambition to fix the subject of popular sovereignty as the point of departure for discussing some of the ways in which the contemporary anti-foreigner political forces of Northern and Western Europe imagine ‘the people’ and identify their allies and enemies within and beyond state borders. To set the stage for this exploration the chapter will start by looking at Carl Schmitt’s ideas about political friendship, and more specifically the way he imagines the relationship between ‘us’ in a political and constitutional sense and ‘the people’ in national and ethnoracial terms. The choice to begin with Schmitt is not arbitrary. His thoughts about the nature of the political association have found their way into the discourse of many radical right-wing parties of Western and Northern Europe.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


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