scholarly journals The Moral Grounds of Arendt’s Conception of Politics

Problemos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 97 ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Simas Čelutka

Many critics of Hannah Arendt claim that her account of politics lacks moral guidelines and constraints. In their view, she radically dissociated politics from morality. Such an interpretation is mistaken. These critics fail to acknowledge that Arendt’s conception has its own resources of normativity. Fundamental categories of Arendt’s political theory (plurality, natality, freedom, equality, forgiveness, promise) serve moral, as well as political, purposes. The internalization of these categories strengthens political actors’ moral judgment and their sense of responsibility. Active participation in political life engenders respect for human dignity and the multiplicity of different perspectives. Critics ignore the moral dimension of Arendt’s conception of politics because they confuse different levels of analysis of the relationship between politics and morality. In the paper, these levels are discussed using the metaphor of a three-storey house.

2005 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Bakker

This commentary argues that one specific but central concept in Lewis's theory, circular causality, is fundamentally flawed and should be discarded – first, because it does not make theoretical sense, and, second, because it leads to problems in practice, such as confounding the interaction between different systems with the relationship between different levels of analysis of a single system.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This book aims to make an innovative contribution to the history of the state-building process in late medieval Lombardy (thirteenth–fifteenth centuries), by illuminating the myriad conflicts attending the legitimacy of power and authority at different levels of society. Through the analysis of the rhetorical forms and linguistic repertoires deployed by the many protagonists (not just the prince, but also cities, communities, peasants, and factions) to express their own ideals of shared political life, the work proposes to reveal the depth of the conflicts in which opposing political actors were not only inspired by competing material interests—as in the traditional interpretation to be found in previous historiography—but were often also guided by differing concepts of authority. From this comes a largely new image of the late medieval–early Renaissance state, one without a monopoly of force—as has been shown in many studies since the 1970s—and one that did not even have the monopoly of legitimacy. The limitations of attempts by governors to present the political principles that inspired their acts as shared and universally recognized are revealed by a historical analysis firmly intent on investigating the existence, in particular territorial or social ambits, of other political cultures which based obedience to authority on different, and frequently original, ideals.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus-Gerd Giesen

The study attempts to make a theoretically informed analysis of technology assessment (TA) as part of postfordist global governance. It focuses first on the FAST programme of the EC, designed to regulate the relationship between producers of new technologies (industry, states) and civil society. The author shows that this regulation, based on the expertise of the social sciences, is largely asymmetrical in favour of the former and an attempt to engineer social consensus at the supranational level. The focus shifts then downwards to the numerous national and regional TA institutions in Western Europe which are all parts of a FAST dominated transnational network, as well as upwards to various related global TA activities (OECD, Lisbon Group, etc.). These different levels of analysis demonstrate that TA is politically constructed as a polycentric, non-hierarchical web of interrelated regulation mechanisms. As such, it is argued, it steadily permeates and recombines existing political structures and levels in order to meet as quickly as possible precise demands of legitimization and accumulation, and should therefore be called a « fractal » regulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 158-163
Author(s):  
Wilfried Graf

The dualistic juxtaposition of the logic of peace and the logic of security is necessary for the political debate but not sufficient to overcome the dominance of the security approach in political theory and practice. This article seeks to broaden and deepen the understanding of the relationship between the logic of peace and the logic of security on different levels of meaning. Firstly, this relationship is explored on the level of meaning of a logic of action and intervention. Secondly, this relationship is discussed on the level of meaning of a logic of research and the meta-theoretical paradigms on which the logic of action is constructed. Thirdly, this relationship is further reflected on the level of meaning of a logic of thought and rationality. Founded in a philosophy of complexity a dialogical “logic of complexity” is proposed as a metaparadigm for a complex logic of peace that is both critical and integrative of the logic of security.


Author(s):  
Christine Helliwell ◽  
Barry Hindess

This article analyses the relationship between political theory and social theory. The separation of political and social theory (and of political theory from other areas in the study of politics) is a relatively recent development. The most significant difference between conventional political theory and conventional social theory concerns the relationship between normative and descriptive/explanatory issues in the analysis of social/political life. In spite of their differences, however, political and social theory share the one set of historical roots and, partly in consequence, a core set of assumptions. They specifically share intellectual and cultural history.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Sudmann

This essay examines the infrastructures and temporalities of modern AI technology based on artificial neural networks (ANN) and aims to contribute to a more substantial understanding of its political challenges. In order to unlock the different temporalities of ANN, a theoretical framework for the relationship of media and infrastructures is suggested that also might help to distinguish between the different levels of analysis related to specific steps and aspects of the machine learning process (the collection and production of learning data, the training of AI models etc.). An important reference point for the following considerations is ethnographic research conducted at TwentyBN,1 a Toronto and Berlin based AI company specialized in ANN and computer vision that just recently developed an app for the fitness market.


Author(s):  
Annick Rivens MOMPEAN ◽  
Marco CAPPELLINI

ABSTRACT This article presents a model of teletandem, i.e. tandem through desktop videoconferencing (Telles 2009). The aim of such a model is twofold: heuristic and pedagogical. It is heuristic because it enables us to understand teletandem at all its levels and partially to predict (in probabilistic terms) what can happen in a teletandem environment. It is also pedagogical because it helps us formulate plans of action to improve future use and environment design. To build this model, we have drawn upon complexity theory (Larsen-Freeman & Cameron 2008, Morin 1990), which leads us to distinguish different levels of analysis before discussing the relationship between the different elements and levels leading to the complex final (yet dynamic) model.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Ceresia ◽  
Mendola

Although researchers have identified corruption as a factor capable of affecting the entrepreneurial ecosystem at the national level of analysis, scholars have reported conflicting results regarding the exact nature of the relationship between corruption and entrepreneurial intentions. This paper formulates some propositions about the complex relationship between corruption and entrepreneurship at different levels of analysis and it suggests and explores the socio-cultural consequences of such domains’ interactions. Finally, the slippery-slope effect will be discussed as an intra-individual psychological mechanism that could explain why even morally-engaged people might replicate corrupt behaviors. The limitations of this work, and its implications for future researchers and for government policies will be analyzed.


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