scholarly journals Socialinio darbo paslaugų privatizavimas gerovės valstybėje: samprata ir modeliai

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Liubov Kotova

Vilniaus universitetas, Universiteto g. 9/1, LT-01513 VilniusEl. paštas: [email protected]  Šiame straipsnyje aptariami kelis dešimtmečius Europoje ir po nepriklausomybės atkūrimo Lietuvoje vykstantys pokyčiai socialinio darbo paslaugų sektoriuje, kuriems apibūdinti vartojamas privatizavimo terminas. Socialinio darbo paslaugų sektoriuje privatizavimas pirmiausia suprantamas kaip ne pelno siekiančių visuomeninių organizacijų, dažniau vadinamų nevyriausybinėmis organizacijomis, ir neformalaus sektoriaus plėtra, taip pat pelno siekiančių paslaugas teikiančių organizacijų atsiradimas. Kitaip tariant, kalbama apie tai, kad gerovės valstybės atsakomybė už tam tikras gerovės paslaugas perkeliama iš viešojo sektoriaus į privatų. Šiuos pokyčius galima bandyti aiškinti veikėjo ir neoinstitucionalizmo teorijomis ir jų sanglauda. Straipsnyje analizuojama bendra privatizavimo samprata ir galimi modeliai bei jų ypatumai socialinio darbo paslaugų1 sektoriuje.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: socialinio darbo paslaugos, privatizavimas, privatizavimo modeliai, gerovės valstybė.Privatisation Of Social Work Services In Welfare State: Concept And PatternsLiubov Kotova SummaryThis article focuses on the changes in social care sector which took place in Europe and after the restitution of independence in Lithuania the last decades and are named as privatization. In social care sector privatization is known as a process of services provision by non-profit public agencies (NGOs), informal sector and by profit agencies. These changes can be explained by actor and new-institutionalism theories as well as by the mix of these two theories. This article presents general privatisation concept and potential patterns as well as peculiarities of these in social care (social work services) sector.According to the actor theory, the expansion or decline of welfare state is understood as results of individuals or collectives’ rational actions. As rational actors cope with different previous political decisions, institutional frames and other limitations and possibilities it is useful to analyse privatization in the light of new-institutionalism theory as well. According to the new-institutionalism theory, the institutions of welfare state are reflected and formed by choices and strategies of actors. The way and models of privatization depend on welfare state institutions. Two ideal institutional types are separated – pluralist and corporatist institutions. Analysis of these ideal institutional types’ differences defining regulation, organization, financing and production helps to explain the extent and models of privatization.Key words: social care, personal social services, privatization, privatization patterns, welfare state.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Åsa Backlund ◽  
Tommy Lundström ◽  
Katarina Thorén

Residential care for unaccompanied minors. How can a growing and turbulent care market be understood?The number of unaccompanied minors arriving in Sweden has grown rapidly in recent years and the care of these children has become a significant part of the Swedish child welfare system. In this article, we discuss what has happened to the residential care market (known as HVB for short) in which most of these children are placed by the municipal social services. The specific questions we seek to illuminate are: Which type of residential care actors have expanded their operations? Have new actors entered the residential care market for unaccompanied minors? How can we understand changes in the residential care market in the current situation? The study is based upon the Health and Social Care Inspectorate’s registry of all licensed residential care units in Sweden. We compare data for all residential care units that targeted unaccompanied minors in 2014 with an updated register from March 2016. The residential care units are categorized based on organizational type (municipal, large and small private companies, municipal entrepreneurs, and non-profit organizations) and the article illustrates the composition of organizational type. The results show that despite the growing need for residential care for unaccompanied minors, the composition of organizational type has not changed significantly since 2014. However, the number of beds for unaccompanied minors is higher than for traditional HVBs, and it has increased between 2014 and 2016. The study also indicates that the composition of residential care for unaccompanied minors differs from the residential care market for other groups of children and young people.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 78-96
Author(s):  
André Jacob

Au Canada et au Québec, traiter des questions liées à la diversité culturelle et au racisme a été un défi pour les gouvernements depuis les années soixante. Auparavant et jusqu'à présent, une grande partie des responsabilités en termes de développement ethnoculturel sensible des services publics (services sociaux, des programmes de formation en travail social, etc.) ont été laissés aux mains d’organismes de charité non-lucratifs. Cependant, peu à peu, depuis les années soixante, le gouvernement fédéral et le gouvernement provincial, ont dû développer des politiques et des programmes d'action. Au Québec, le travail social a fait partie du débat face à deux grands courants politiques, l’un canadien basé sur le multiculturalisme, et l’autre québécois basé sur l'interculturalisme. L'article vise à donner une perspective historique sur la façon dont le travail social a dû faire face à des contradictions différentes. In Canada and Quebec, dealing with issues related to cultural diversity and racism has been a challenge for the governments since the sixties. Before and up to our days, a large part of responsabilities in terms of developping ethnocultural sensitive public services (social services, training programs in social work, etc.) have been left in the hands of non profit and charity organizations. But, little by little, since the sixites then, both governements, federal and provincial had to develop politics and programs of action. In Quebec, social work has been part of the debate facing two mainstream politics, the canadian one based on multiculturalism and, in Quebec, on interculturalism. The article intends to give a historical perspective on how social work had to deal with different contradictions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
James Blewett

These are uncertain and difficult times for those both delivering and those receiving social work and social care services. After nearly a decade of ‘austerity’ there has been a significant reduction in the size and scope of the welfare state (Johnstone, 2016). Furthermore there is no sign that this process abating with the sector facing a period of further uncertainty and contraction (Crewe, 2016). Against this backdrop there has been a period of Government driven ‘reform’ which has seen significant changes to the sector in both adults and children’s services. This reform process has affected many professional roles but there has been particular scrutiny, and, at times intensive, debate about the role and nature of social work in contemporary care services (Featherstone et al, 2014). This short paper considers these changes from the perspective of Making Research Count, a national university based research dissemination project that has attempted to support the development of knowledge informed practice throughout this period.


Author(s):  
John Offer

Social policies concerned with the areas of social care and of social work as a profession have always been topics on which Pinker has made significant contributions. His writings more frequently and in more detail dealt with what are often referred to as the ‘personal social services’ than those of, say, ...


Author(s):  
Robert Pinker

In this chapter, Robert Pinker explains the main reasons for his dissent to the Report of the Working Party on the Role and Tasks of Social Workers, also known as the Barclay Report. The working party, headed by Peter Barclay, was established in 1980 ‘to review the role and tasks of social workers in local authority social services departments and related voluntary agencies in England and Wales and to make recommendations’. The Barclay Report argued that social work was necessary, but urged a new emphasis on ‘community social work’. Pinker was opposed to the neighbourhood social care model proposed by Roger Hadley and the community social work model. He argues that the report's proposal was a prescription for managerial chaos. Pinker concludes with a discussion of the implications of the Barclay Report for the education and training of social workers.


Author(s):  
Paweł Poławski

This chapter shows the latent functions and perverse effects of activation policy, conditionality, and related governance reforms implemented on a local level in Poland from the perspective of social workers. The chapter focuses on the consequences of layering processes within welfare state institutions, and how these processes shape the structure of social assistance and affect social work. The analysis is based on qualitative data collected from in-depth interviews with social workers that cover their experiences with the implementation of activation measures that have been modified and adjusted to local realities. The research confirms that orientation toward poverty management is strengthened by the pillarization of organizational structures and financial mechanisms, and that the reforms generate dysfunctions and strengthens uncertainties for both beneficiaries and social workers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1 (ang)) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Izabela Grabowska ◽  
Bohdan Skrzypczak

The aim of the paper is to analyse the process of the creation of the hybrid organizational form and the mechanisms of its action. The paper is theory oriented and is based on new institutionalism and hybridity. The research question is how a hybrid organization efficiently functions while simultaneously drawing on three different and partially contradictory institutional logics: commercial (profit-oriented activities), social (non-profit activities), and public (focused on the provision of high-quality social services). We argue that the core mechanism of action of the new organizational form is the solidarity capital.


Author(s):  
María José Lacalzada de Mateo

La Constitución de 1978 marca un antes y un después para las políticas Sociales. Así mismo el Trabajador Social como profesional experimentará a partir de ahora cambios fundamentales en su formación y en su capacidad de intervención. El Estado Social de Derecho dentro de un sistema de Bienestar mixto es nuestro marco de referencia.La asistencia social como un derivado de la estructura de la Beneficencia tuvo un sentido fijado al socorro en necesidad extrema con cierta indefinición sobre su alcance durante la España de Franco. El recorte de derechos y libertades políticas se hizo notar en este nivel, adquiriendo ciertas connotaciones peculiares.Así mismo y en consecuencia el papel del Asistente Social quedaba muy limitado en sus recursos y condicionado a ciertos valores dominantes.El concepto de Servicios Sociales como derecho de la ciudadanía, su extensión y garantía jurídica así como las políticas encaminadas a favorecer la inclusión y cohesión social, han nacido y se están desarrollando con un sentido integral muy diferente en los últimos veinte años, quedando abierta la consecución de su madurez hacia el futuro Es interesante ofrecer a los estudiantes una perspectiva de análisis y reflexión de esta trayectoria enfocando la visión no hacia los �antecedentes� �consecuentes� y �evoluciones� como se suele mirar hacia �la historia� sino constatando la �mutación de la especie�. Creo que puede ayudar a fijar y entender en su medida el carácter y posibilidades que tiene hoy trabajo social, evitando lastres no deseados.The 1978 Constitution marks a tipping point for social policies. Likewise, as a professional, the social worker will experience fundamental changes in their training and in their ability to intervene.We take our frame of reference to be the Welfare State within a mixed welfare system.Social assistance as a derivative of the charity structure had a meaning associated with providing aid in the case of extreme necessity, and was somewhat ill defined with regard to scope during the Franco years in Spain. The cutting of political rights and freedoms was noticeable at this level, with its own peculiar connotations being felt in some aspects. Likewise, the role of Social Worker was consequently limited with respect to resources and constrained by certain dominant values.The concept of the Social Services as a citizen�s right, along with their scope and legal guarantees, plus the policies designed to foster social inclusion and cohesion, have been put in place and are now being applied across the board in a very different way than in the previous twenty years. The way is now open for them to be fully developed in the coming years.It is interesting to offer students a perspective of analysis and reflection concerning such developments. However, rather than focusing on �precedents�, �results� and �developments�, which is the normal approach to history, instead we concentrate on the �mutation of the species�. In my opinion, this can help to fix and understand the nature and potential of social work today, avoiding any unwanted burdens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 247-252
Author(s):  
Hermína Mareková

There is a lot of discussion about social work, its forms, and whether social work is needed. If so, then in its existing or a different form? Often, only subjective thoughts or practical experiences are presented. They are subjective because, by pointing out the unfavorable situation, they describe a certain unidentifiable barrier, a shortcoming in building this profession, which social work has not been able to overcome in the past long period. As if we were wasting our chances of change. The performance of social work still has a socialist flavor, and therefore the Western models adopted in our country since the end of 1980's have not met with legislative support. This situation was partly caused by the fact that we took over "a little of each corner", without complexity, as if the richer competencies remained somewhere at the border crossing between Kittsee and Bratislava. It is not possible to compare the beginnings of social care in our country, which began elsewhere in the world in the '30-'40s, because, for ideological reasons, there was a certain effort to discredit some issues, together with other deviant problems. These ideological motivations have already disappeared but were replaced by economic reasons, which continued to prevent social care from undergoing a change of opinion and structure. Evidence of these shortcomings is also the fact that no government has so far embarked on the creation of family social policy, as if this situation suited all actors. Within the EU, considerable financial support comes to the social area, but it disappears in the wallets of non-profit organizations, often without control, and that is why there is no such systematic change. Even very beneficial projects in various "non-profit" organizations work only until the allocated funds are spent, and after the expiration of the time required for the existence of the project by the EU, the project falls into oblivion, and those organizations often apply for a completely different project. Research data is missing for a systemic change. Without the available research data, we cannot even expect a change in paradigms, so we continue to lag behind the more developed part of the world in this area.


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