scholarly journals KHARKIV TOPONYMY: STAGES OF DECOMMUNIZATION

Author(s):  
Mariya Takhtaulova

In the artiсle, the author has analyzed a practical application of the Law of Ukraine “On Denouncing the Communist and the National-Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and Banning the Propaganda of their Symbols" on the example of Kharkiv-city urbanonims renaming. The author focused on the transformation of Kharkiv toponymy retrospectively.The mass renaming of the city streets that had happened in 1894 and 1936. The author describes the way those renaming proceeded. An urban place-network organizing and getting rid of numerous repetitions had become the primary purpose ofrenaming in 1894. The purpose of renaming in 1936 was to change an urban culturalspace in accordance with the Bolshevik ideology.The primary attention in the article was given to the process of Kharkiv-city toponymy decommunization during 2015‒2016. Participation of civil society in the renaming project making, as well as the cooperation of local government with the state authorities, was highlighted. Lists of toponymic changes proposedby the local government and Kharkiv Regional State Administration were analyzed. The general trends and approaches in the toponymic policy of the local government and Kharkiv Regional State Administration were determined. There were found the primary sources of urbanonims nomination and graphically represented their quantitative composition. The first two stages of the city toponym decommunization were conducted by the session decision of the Kharkiv City Council and the City Mayor Kernes order. The author notes that the mayor's office showed a tendency to conserve the existing toponymic landscape, which was manifested in many pseudo renamings, tended to preserve the existing names, and where it was impossible to avoid renaming, preferred neutral names. Names of contemporary Ukraine heroes, fighters for Ukrainian statehood in the 20th century, and symbolic names had an obvious advantage in this list of renaming.

Author(s):  
Viktoriia Viktorivna Sychova

In the article, in the context of the archetypal approach, the interaction of the authorities and the opposition in the course of implementing the decommunization policy was analyzed. An integral part of a decommunization policy was changing the Soviet names of toponymic objects in residential places bearing the Communist totalitarian regime symbols that consecrated persons involved in the crimes of the latter, also the events related to the activities of the Communist Party, the development of Soviet power in Ukraine, the persecution of participants in the struggle for Ukraine’s independence in the XX century. The Soviet archetypal basis of decommunization methods in Ukraine is revealed, which it was testified to the rapid pace of policy, the lack of information support, explanations, especially for the population of the central and eastern regions of Ukraine, for which the Soviet symbolices was continues to be valuable. The imperial/Soviet archetypes of interaction between the authorities and the opposition are defined by the example of renaming of Soviet names for objects of toponymy of settlements containing symbols of the communist totalitarian regime. Polarized regionalism of Ukrainian society, two distinct national identities based on different systems of political values, have formed various archetypes. Thus, in Uzhgorod and Kirovohrad, the influence of the imperial (respectively, Austrian and Russian) archetypes was reflected. The opposition of some city councils of the Naddnipryanshyny and eastern Ukraine to the parliament’s decisions was sometimes determined not by the number of opposition, but by the Soviet identity of the deputy corps. The existence of a confrontational type of the interaction between parliamentary opposition and government/president is substantiated; also between the opposition, embodied by the local political and management elite of Kirovohrad, Kharkiv and Komsomolsk of Poltava’s region, and the state power, personified by the head of the relevant regional state administration/parliament. It is proved that the conformal type is inherent of interaction the opposition, which is represented by the city council of Dnipropetrovsk and the authorities represented by the respective mayor/parliament; also the interaction between opposition, which represented by the city council/mayor of Uzhhorod and the authorities, which is represented by the chairman of the Transcarpathian Regional State Administration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
G Tamburkovski ◽  
G Belamarić ◽  
D Matijević ◽  
S Mladenović Janković

Abstract Issue Development of public health plan for the City of Belgrade, facilitate multisectoral participation and encourage local government to incorporate public health planning into integrated planning framework, including funding. Description of the Problem According to Public Health Low, adopted in Serbia in 2016 and Public health strategy (2018), Council for Health, as a professional body of the City government, was obliged to prepare draft of the Plan. Members of the City Council are representatives from different sectors: health care, public health, private sector, child care, education and civil society. Based on data and information from relevant institutions and organizations, situation analysis and health profile of the City have been prepared during 2018. Results Public health plan for the City of Belgrade has been drafted for a time period from 2020 to 2026, aligned and within time frame of the National public health strategy. Plan included: mission, vision, objectives, activities, responsible institutions, funding sources and indicators for monitoring. Focus was on health promotion and empowerment of citizens to adopt healthy lifestyle as well on investment in environmental sustainability, poverty and inequalities reduction and minimizing risks to human health and well-being. On December 2019, Belgrade City Assembly adopted this document, with full responsibility for implementation and budgeting specific programs and projects from 2020. Lessons Multisectoral working group, with clear defined scope of work, supported by regulations, encouraged and managed by experts in the field, highly motivated to be creator of changes is prerequisite for successful and productive public health planning process. Key messages Public health planning enabled communication and cooperation among experts and decision makers and represented a whole-of-local government approach to public health. Document is used as a resource and model for the other cities and municipalities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amber Venter

<p><b>This research is an architectural enquiry into how the visibility of local government can mimic the performance of everyday political life. Using the conceptual framework of place and understanding of the collective community. The intention of this design proposal is to encourage the transparency of local authority through an architectural intervention in the city.</b></p> <p>The driver of this research is the reduced physical presence of civic practices, with particular regard to the congregating place of local government. A framework is developed as a precursor to develop an understanding of the traditional civic architype. The aim is to reimagine a contemporary civic architecture which is detached from the corporate functions of local government. Architecture supports the celebration of collective rituals of movement and meeting.</p> <p>An archetype investigation formalises a set design criteria by which the design case study is evaluated against. The background research comprises a critique of the spatial arrangement of the traditional town hall. An additional background task is consisted of a comparative inquiry into today’s local government accommodation.</p> <p>The site is located in Tamaki Makaurau/Auckland City. The site analysis criteria utilised by this thesis is grounded in the research of Jan Gehl and his understanding of architectures impact on peoples’ behaviour in cities.</p> <p>Finally the design case study is driven by dynamic circulation, which establishes a celebration of the formal and informal interactions between the participants of local government. Transparency and hierarchy are used to challenge the spatial and functional qualities of Auckland City Council. The result of the research will contribute to the inclusive understanding of the ordinary rituals of local government through architecture in the city.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jamie Cameron ◽  
Bailey Fox

In 2018, the City of Toronto’s municipal election overlapped with a provincial election that brought a new government to office. While the municipal election ran for a protracted period from May 1 to October 22, the provincial election began on May 9 and ended about four weeks later, on June 7.1 On July 27, after only a few weeks in office, the provincial government tabled the Better Local Government Act (BLGA) and proclaimed the Bill into law on August 14.2 The BLGA reduced Toronto City Council from 47 to 25 wards and reset the electoral process, mandating that the election proceed under a different concept of representation for City Council.3


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-175
Author(s):  
Hadley Arkes

The city of Cincinnati, we know, can be an engaging place, but federal judge Arthur Spiegel also found, in the mid-'90s, that it could be quite a vexing place. The city council of Cincinnati had passed what was called the Human Rights Ordinance of 1992, which barred virtually all species of discrimination—including discrimination on the basis of “Appalachian origin.” But the bill also encompassed a bar on discrimination based on “sexual orientation.” This kind of bill, in other places, had been turned into a club to be used against evangelical Christians who might refuse, on moral grounds, to rent space in their homes to gay or lesbian couples. And so a movement arose in Cincinnati, modeled on a similar movement in Colorado, to override the ordinance passed by the council: this would not be a referendum merely to repeal the law, but a move to amend the charter of the municipal government and remove, from the hands of the local legislature, the authority to pass bills of this kind. In effect, this was an attempt to override an ordinary statute by changing the constitution of the local government. The amendment did not seek to make homosexual acts the grounds for criminal prosecutions; it sought, rather, to bar any attempt to make gay and lesbian orientation the ground for special advantages, quotas, or preferential “minority status” in the law. The framers of the amendment objected to the tendency to treat gays and lesbians on the same plane as groups that have suffered discrimination based on race, religion, or gender. The proposal, known as Issue 3, drew wide support and passed in a referendum in 1993. It was, of course, challenged in the courts, which is why it found its way into the hands of Judge Spiegel.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 591-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
Da-Chi Liao ◽  
Hsin-Che Wu ◽  
Chen-Hsun Li

This paper discusses the theoretical rheology of local governance from the bureaucratic system to the network city and explores whether and how such a city network can be developed in a dual local government system. This paper suggests that, in dual systems, councilors are nodes which extend their networks, and councilors together can construct a more comprehensive network than a city executive branch alone does, so as to remedy the executive branch’s deficiencies concerning city affairs. This paper chooses Kaohsiung city council as its case study and provides evidence that the network developed by city council and councilors covers many city affairs which are ignored by the city executive branch. This result also implies that the network city may be better feasible in a dual local government system than in a unitary one.


2019 ◽  
pp. 138-154
Author(s):  
В. Я. Яценко

The article analyzes the activities of the Ekaterinoslav City Council during the events of the end of December 1917, when Soviet power was established in Ekaterinoslav. This happened as a result of the armed uprising of the Bolsheviks on December 27–29, 1917. The City Council of Ekaterinoslav, as a local government, did not remain indifferent to these events. It should be recognized that in the events of December 27–29, 1917, the Ekaterinoslav City Council did not play a decisive role. Such a role belonged to the main opposing forces - the Bolsheviks and supporters of the Central Rada. Representatives of both sides were part of the city duma and, of course, tried to use it to their advantage. Thus, city self-government could not remain aloof from the events for this reason. It is important to remember that all this happened in the conditions of the war declared by Soviet Russia to the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The armed uprising of the Bolsheviks in Ekaterinoslav was coordinated with the onset of the Soviet troops. An analysis of events shows that the City Duma Ekaterinoslav was practically incapable of somehow having a significant impact on the events. Their discussion at public meetings, sending delegations to end the bloodshed and reconciliation of the parties proved to be of little effect. Among the reasons for this should be called the composition of the Duma, which was predominantly composed according to the party principle and lack of armed forces. It was power that dictated its will in these events. Public thoughts, representatives of conservative and moderate socialist parties (Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, etc.) tried to use the institutional capacity of city self-government to stop or minimize the civil war that broke out in Ekaterynoslav. It should be noted that the Ekaterinoslav City Council in the real conditions of the end of December 1917. I did everything possible within its competence. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
David Batchelor

<p><b>Local governments are innovatively applying smart city technology to resolve challenges in their jurisdictions. These challenges commonly relate to environmental sustainability, infrastructure, and transportation, and result in novel discourses within local government strategies and operations, such as Smart Environment, Smart Infrastructure, and Smart Mobility. Driven by the success of these discourses, local governments seek further solutions through converging the smart city technology with other disciplines. The next likely convergence is with the heritage discipline, subsequently producing the Smart Heritage discourse. Academic literature records that Smart Heritage is an emergent yet unformed discourse that is on the verge of application within local government. Smart Heritage presents opportunities to converge historical narratives with the automated and autonomous capabilities of smart technology. However, due to its novelty, the local government sector has no guidance on delivering Smart Heritage within strategies and operations. Therefore, this thesis comprehensively explores and defines the Smart Heritage discourse and addresses Smart Heritage's delivery within local government strategies and operations.</b></p> <p>The original contributions to knowledge in this thesis are the first thorough definition of Smart Heritage in academic literature and the production of Smart Heritage Principles, which direct the delivery of Smart Heritage within local government. This thesis firstly defines Smart Heritage through an investigation into the nascent patchwork of academic literature at the intersection of the smart city and heritage disciplines. This definition establishes the discursive framework for the subsequent inquiry into how to deliver Smart Heritage in local government organisations. In this inquiry, the researcher conducts three case studies on local governments in Australia: Broken Hill City Council, the City of Melbourne, and the City of Newcastle. In each case study, the researcher analyses strategic smart city and heritage documents and then interviews their smart city and heritage advisors regarding strategic and operational convergences between the disciplines. The researcher then synthesises the resulting data into cross-case key considerations that contextualise a base understanding of how local governments deliver Smart Heritage. Using this understanding, the researcher conducts a second round of interviews and synthesis that, in turn, produces the refined Smart Heritage Principles. The researcher validates the principles’ relevancy and applicability through an additional case study with Wellington City Council in New Zealand.</p> <p>The research finds that Smart Heritage in the academic literature is nascent yet organically forming around a shared discourse between the smart city and heritage disciplines. As a result, there are numerous understandings of Smart Heritage. Nevertheless, these understandings agree that Smart Heritage convergences historical contextual narratives with automatic and autonomous technologies and advances from the passive Digital Heritage discourse. The case studies find that there is a foundation for Smart Heritage within local government through strategic documents that share similar focuses and advisors who seek multi-disciplinary convergences. However, the disciplines’ overlapping is not explicitly recognised in strategic documents and operational models, leading to inadequate financial and staff resourcing of Smart Heritage and inefficient cross-disciplinary initiatives in local government. The research identifies four thematic key considerations that address delivering Smart Heritage within local government; recognition, delivery, resourcing, and innovation; and proposes four Smart Heritage Principles for local governments to follow in order to deliver the discourse. The researcher presents the principles in an industry-ready document at the end of the thesis.</p> <p>The implications of this research are the increased visibility of Smart Heritage as an academic discourse and support for the delivery of Smart Heritage within local government strategies and operations. Smart Heritage becomes more visible as this research solidifies then illuminates a discursive pathway that researchers can engage with. Importantly, this research presents evidence that Smart Heritage is extant within academic literature and local governments, supporting its position as a constructive academic and practical discourse. The Smart Heritage Principles support the delivery of Smart Heritage within local government strategies and operations through the applied guidance they offer the organisations. As the industry-ready document is the first publication with this focus, the influence on the delivery of Smart Heritage is significant. The researcher aspires to share the Smart Heritage Principles document beyond this research context through its distribution to other councils globally.</p>


Author(s):  
John Christianson

The Local Government Act allows local bodies to take powers requiring building owners to upgrade masonry buildings to a reasonable level of seismic capacity. The State Opera House is one such building. The theatre was built in 1913 and allows for seating for 1300 patrons
 on three levels. The building is of
 brick construction with walls up to 685mm thick and 23,000mm high without intermediate support. Although the Wellington City Council generally requires buildings to achieve two thirds of the standard
laid down by NZS 1900 Chap. 8:1965 the
 City Engineer requested that the Opera House be upgraded to full compliance with that standard. As a preliminary to
detail design, tests were made on brick beam samples to determine what quality
of brickwork existed within the building and what levels of stress could be
reliably used in panel configurations.
 From these tests we determined a bond strength of 0.1MPa in mortar joints
and F’c (Brick) 10MPa. This investigation was coupled with an extensive structural survey to supplement the meagre amound
 of information from drawings and original specification.


1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herrbert H. Werlin

Charles Rubia's resignation from office as Mayor of Nairobi on September 15, 1964, set off a potentially dangerous political crisis in Kenya. Although Rubia subsequently returned to office the affair split the major political party, aroused considerable tribal passion, provoked the youth-wing into angry demonstrations and the Kikuyu women of Nairobi into their piercing “ululating” cry in front of the City Hall.


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