scholarly journals CONCEPTUAL BASIS OF DEFINITION OF STATE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY OF UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
S. K. Bostan

In the article it was noted, that the new ukrainian government is trying to decide the problems in the ukrainian’s society, but its actions are directed first of all at the achievement of the short-term, specific tasks to stabilize the situation in the country. It was emphasized, that its actions can produce some positive results, but the maximum level of their effectiveness can will be, if these tactical tasks will be realized on the basis of long term state strategy. It is determined that the state strategy is a moving social contract social contract concluded by the state government with citizens for a certain period and providing for perspective and long-term planning of the state development. The importance of the state strategy consists in openly proposals of the social values. It founds the basics for the social solidarity in achieving goals and so it constituted the state as unity power. The expediency of establishing a long term for implementing a state development strategy in Ukraine and building a democratic, social state of law as its ultimate goal have been paid attention to. It was emphasized that the determination of the constituent elements of a state strategy can be accomplished by the division of the state as an object of strategic planning into a number of “sub-objects” that have more specific short or medium-term tactical goals in the process. It was suggested that to rely on the scientific apparatus of the theory of state and law for defining these “sub-objects”. But it is a basic fact that the state as a social phenomenon consists of three main components, namely: form, content and essence. It was pointed out the form of the state as an external expression of the content and essence of the state, which are manifested through such elements as the form of political regime, form of state government and form of state-territorial structure. It was stressed out that the content is a sort of ordered set of institutional elements that make up the state. The essence of the state is a set of features of the state, which in unity reflect its qualitative properties, manifested through the functions of the state. It was were summarized that through consideration such elements should determine the long-term of development of the Ukrainian state, which will allow to optimize the process of political-public administration and to ensure its stability, consistency and continuity, based on clearly formulated long-term objectives.

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Partha Pratim Mitra

The article examines whether there has been a sharp development focus in the state towards the ten coastal districts of Odisha. Our analysis shows that many of the coastal districts did inherently well in agriculture, but in the area of MSMEs, the non-coastal districts have done relatively better than the coastal districts. Marginalisation of labour was also strong in many coastal districts as compared to the non-coastal districts. Since the coastal districts are primarily agricultural, they did not gain significantly from the development strategy adopted by the state of diversifying into industries and services. The state government has attempted to shift its focus outside the coastal districts and also encourage large industries in the power, metals and mineral sectors. Such a strategy has resulted in the creation of certain growth centres in the non-coastal districts but did not have a major impact in reducing the dependence of the population on agriculture.


Author(s):  
Michael Moehler

This book develops a novel multilevel social contract theory that, in contrast to existing theories in the liberal tradition, does not merely assume a restricted form of reasonable moral pluralism, but is tailored to the conditions of deeply morally pluralistic societies that may be populated by liberal moral agents, nonliberal moral agents, and, according to the traditional understanding of morality, nonmoral agents alike. To develop this theory, the book draws on the history of the social contract tradition, especially the work of Hobbes, Hume, Kant, Rawls, and Gauthier, as well as on the work of some of the critics of this tradition, such as Sen and Gaus. The two-level contractarian theory holds that morality in its best contractarian version for the conditions of deeply morally pluralistic societies entails Humean, Hobbesian, and Kantian moral features. The theory defines the minimal behavioral restrictions that are necessary to ensure, compared to violent conflict resolution, mutually beneficial peaceful long-term cooperation in deeply morally pluralistic societies. The theory minimizes the problem of compliance by maximally respecting the interests of all members of society. Despite its ideal nature, the theory is, in principle, applicable to the real world and, for the conditions described, most promising for securing mutually beneficial peaceful long-term cooperation in a world in which a fully just society, due to moral diversity, is unattainable. If Rawls’ intention was to carry the traditional social contract argument to a higher level of abstraction, then the two-level contractarian theory brings it back down to earth.


Author(s):  
E. A. Brendeleva

The article talks about the key national indicators characterizing economic development, as well as the problems associated with the aims set in the framework of these indicators. The paper also looks at the possible changes in the existing system to asses the state of national economies and social welfare, as well as in the way institutional characteristics of a particular country are considered in this system, with the final aim of deciding on the states’ long term development strategy.


Author(s):  
Zoe Beenstock

Coleridge wrote frequently about Rousseau throughout his varied career. His early lectures and letters draw on Rousseau’s critique of luxury and frequently allude to the general will, depicting Rousseau as a Christ-like figure. Coleridge’s subsequent disappointment with Pantisocracy led him to reject Rousseau and the social contract. Comparing Rousseau to Luther in The Friend, Coleridge argues that Rousseau’s unhappiness arises from a conflict between an age of individualism and an ongoing need for community. According to Coleridge, poetry tolerates this conflict better than philosophy. In ‘Reflections on Having Left a Place of Retirement’ Coleridge suggests that social retreat offers illusory solace from war and social crisis. He critiques the state of nature, sympathy, and even religion for failing to balance the self with its environment. Thematically and formally The Rime of the Ancient Mariner explores this crisis in cohering systems. Through the mariner’s relationship to the albatross, the wedding that frames the poem, and episodes of the supernatural that disrupt the ballad form, Coleridge defines a breaking point between the individual and general wills.


2021 ◽  
pp. 442-464
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

At Alamán’s initiative a law of 1830 established the Banco de Avío, a government-funded development bank for the spurring of industrialization, especially in the textile sector, with which his name has forever been associated. His views of industrialization as a development strategy as opposed to a renewed reliance upon silver mining are discussed, as well as the short- and long-term effects of loans made to textile entrepreneurs and the cronyism employed by Alamán both in organizing the Banco itself and in allotting its capital as loans to industrialists. The state of the textile industry in Mexico before and after the Banco is described.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Forbes ◽  
Brett Inder ◽  
Sunitha Raman

On any given night in Victoria, around 4,000 children and young people live under the care and protection of the State. For many young people, this care extends over a long period of time, sometimes until their 18th birthday. It is well documented that young people leaving State care often lack the social and economic resources to assist them in making the transition into independent living. As a consequence, the long-term life outcomes from this group are frequently very poor. A recent report from the Centre for Excellence in Child and Family Welfare in partnership with Monash University estimated that, for a typical cohort of 450 young people who leave care in Victoria each year, the direct cost to the State resulting from these poor outcomes is $332.5 million. The estimated average outcomes of the leaving care population are based on a recent survey involving sixty young people who had spent at least two years in care as teenagers. This paper provides an overview of the economic methodology used to estimate this cost, and provides discussion of the motivation for measuring outcomes in terms of costs to the State.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-166
Author(s):  
Eric Nsuh Zuhmboshi

Abstract The relationship that exists between the state and her citizens has been described by Jean Jacques Rousseau as “a social contract.” In this contractual agreement, citizens are bound to respect state authority while the state, in turn, has the bounden duty to protect her citizens and guide them in their aspirations. In fact, any state that does not perform this duty is guilty of violating the fundamental rights of her citizens. This, however, is not the case in most postcolonial societies where the citizens see the state as an aggressive apparatus against their wellbeing because the state is not fulfilling its own part of the social contract, which requires them to protect the citizens and guide them in their aspirations. This unfortunate situation has laid the foundation for protest and anti-establishment writings in post-colonial societies – especially in Africa. Since literature, as a semiotic resource, is coterminous with its socio-political context, this attitude of the state has drawn inimical criticism from key postcolonial African writers such as Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Mongo Beti, and Nadine Gordimer. Using Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel and John Nkemngong Nkengasong’s Across the Mongolo, this essay shows the relationship between state-terrorism and the traumatic conditions of the citizens in contemporary Africa. From the perspective of trauma theory, the essay defends the premise that the postcolonial subjects/characters, in the novels under study, are traumatized and depressed because of their continuous victimization by the state. Due to this state-imposed terror and hardship, the citizens are forced to indulge in political agitation, radicalism and violence in response to their destitute and impoverished conditions.


The two centuries after 1800 witnessed a series of sweeping changes in the way in which Britain was governed, the duties of the state, and its role in the wider world. Powerful processes—from the development of democracy to the changing nature of the social contract, war, and economic dislocation—have challenged, and at times threatened to overwhelm, both governors and governed. Such shifts have also posed problems for the historians who have researched and written about Britain’s past politics. This volume shows the ways in which political historians have responded, and provides a snapshot of a field which has long been at the forefront of conceptual and methodological innovation within historical studies. It comprises thirty-three thematic essays written by leading and emerging scholars in the field. Collectively, these essays assess and rethink the nature of modern British political history itself, and suggest avenues and questions for future research. The Oxford Handbook of Modern British Political History thus provides a unique resource for those who wish to understand Britain’s political past and a thought-provoking ‘long view’ for those interested in current political challenges.


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