scholarly journals Financial Support for Women in Arkansas State Legislative Campaigns

1984 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 56-64
Author(s):  
Deb Hilliard

Following the 1982 elections women held 13 percent of the state legislative seats nationwide, and the figure for Arkansas stood at 5.2 percent. In fact, only four states currently have a lower percentage of women serving in their state legislatures. The question, "Why so few?" opens a Pandora's Box of possible explanations for the markedly low percentage of female members of the Arkansas Legislature. However, recent studies exploring the entrance of women into elective office tend to focus either on the self-perceptions of the involved elites of this group, on societal and political support or opposition arising from traditional sociopolitical constraints, or on sheer numbers of female candidates and their success rates relative to their male counterparts. Because political scientists have only recently begun to devote serious attention to the area, there exists only a modest literature exploring campaign strategy and voter choice where a female candidate enters competition. To date, discussions of mass public attitudes toward political women, as well as the candidates' own self-images, have neglected the relationship of the electorate, and the candidates themselves, to the level of financial support given female candidates. Yet, it is generally accepted that female aspirants find it difficult to raise campaign chests which equal or outweigh those of their male opponents, with an additional variation in the sources of financial support (Mandel, 1981: 184-5). This paper is addressed to the gender-based levels of campaign contribution receipts reported in 1982 by candidates for the Arkansas General Assembly, with the intent of ascertaining what pattern, if any, exists in the amounts and sources of legislative campaign contributions received by candidates according to gender.

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 28-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary McThomas ◽  
Michael Tesler

Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run brought with it an unwelcome reminder of the added obstacles women candidates often encounter. From “Iron my Shirt” banners to debates regarding whether Clinton was overly emotional or an ice princess, we were faced with gender stereotypes that have often plagued women in leadership roles. Her campaign strategy attempted to counteract preconceived notions of female candidates by accentuating Clinton's toughness and strength, even to the point of trying to “outmale” her opponents (e.g., see Lawrence and Rose 2010). The result was a prime example of the double bind in which women who appear strong are then seen as unlikeable (Jamieson 1995). However, Clinton reached new levels of popularity from 2008 to 2012 as secretary of state and a presumed presidential contender in 2016. This leads us to question whether she was able to successfully navigate the double bind—perhaps through additional offsetting information or her ability to competently handle the masculine position of secretary of state—or if public attitudes have evolved to a point where gender no longer matters in the assessment of political candidates.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian R. Calfano ◽  
Paul A. Djupe

AbstractReligious appeals have been part and parcel of campaign strategy for decades. Most often, however, these appeals to have come from men, but little is known about howwomenwould fare using religious appeals on the campaign trail. To remedy this, we used an experimental design to examine voter reaction to religious appeals from a female and a male candidate competing for an open United States Senate seat. We find that women's use of religious appeals is governed by the dynamics of tokenism — reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes and serving to reduce voter support of the female candidate. This suggests that women must be careful in using a key campaign tool traditionally employed by men, and that this may affect the extent to which female candidates can effectively shape voter perceptions on the campaign trail.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6009
Author(s):  
Se-Kyoung Choi ◽  
Sangyun Han ◽  
Kyu-Tae Kwak

What kind of capacity is needed to improve the performance of start-ups? How effective are government support policies in improving start-up performance? Start-ups are critical firm group for ensuring the prospective and sustainable growth of an economy, and thus many countries’ governments have established support policies and they are likely to engage more widely in forward-looking political support activities to ensure further growth and expansion. In this paper, the effect of innovation capabilities and government support policies on start-up performance is examined. We used an unbalanced panel data analysis with a random effect generalized least squares. We investigated the effect of government support policies on 4368 Korean start-ups. The findings indicated that technology and knowledge capabilities had positive effects on the sales performance of start-ups, and government financial support positively affected the relationship between knowledge capability and firm performance. However, when government financial support increased, marketing capability was negatively associated with firm performance. These results demonstrate the significant role of government financial support, including its crowding in but also its crowding out effect. Practical implications: To be more effective, governments should employ innovation-driven entrepreneurship policy approaches to support start-ups. To improve their performance, start-ups need to increase their technology and knowledge capabilities. This study extends recent efforts to understand more fully the effect of government support policies on start-ups differing in their technology, knowledge, and marketing capabilities.


Commonwealth ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Weikert

The 2018 elections saw a record number of women running for elected office in the United States and in Pennsylvania, but whether this represents a temporary wave or a lasting trend is not clear. Using a combination of survey data; interviews of new candidates, elected officeholders, and party officials; and election data, this study examines the gender equality gains of 2018 in Pennsylvania’s legislature in historical and political context. The data provide evidence that formal recruitment of female candidates was common (but not universal), that the number of women running for and winning office increased by historic (and not just significant) levels, and that a persistent and consistent motivation was discernible in large portions of the candidate body. Survey measures of female candidate persistence—whether they plan to run again or recruit new candidates—also indicate that women intend to remain similarly active after the 2018 election cycle has come and gone.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

Who is tougher? In many elections, candidates frame their appeals in gendered ways—they compete, for instance, over who is more “masculine.” This is the case for male and female candidates alike. In the 2016 presidential election, however, the stark choice between the first major-party female candidate and a man who exhibited a persistent pattern of misogyny made the use of gender—ideas about femininity and masculinity—more prominent than ever before. This book explores the Trump and Clinton campaigns’ use of gender as a political weapon, and how the presidential race changed the ways in which House and Senate campaigns were waged in 2016. The thesis of this book is that Donald Trump’s candidacy radically altered the nature of the 2016 congressional campaigns in two ways. First, it changed the issues of contention in many of these races by making gender more central to the general election campaigns of both Democrats and Republicans. Second, expectations that Trump would lose the election influenced how candidates for lower office campaigned and how willing they were to connect their fortunes to those of their party’s nominee. The fact that Trump was expected to lose—and was expected to lose in large part because of his sexist and other bigoted comments—caused both major parties to direct more of their resources toward congressional races, and led many Republican candidates—especially women—to distance themselves from Trump.


2019 ◽  
pp. 014920631988742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice B. Klein ◽  
Pierre Chaigneau ◽  
Cynthia E. Devers

We theorize that female candidates considering CEO roles will perceive greater termination vulnerability in such roles than their male counterparts. We further theorize that indicators of recent organizational distress will exacerbate female CEO candidates’ perceptions of termination vulnerability, while the presence of female leaders will mitigate these concerns. To test our arguments, we examine the initial values of newly appointed female and male CEOs’ severance agreements from 2007 to 2014. Results support our arguments and begin to shed light on the factors that influence female executives’ concerns about CEO roles and ultimately firms’ ability to appoint female CEOs.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
S. M. Towhidur Rahman ◽  
Md. Khasrul Alam ◽  
Shanta Kar

Half of the population is women who need to be incorporated in nation’s workforce for the sustainable economic development. In the context of Bangladesh, the development of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) can be considered as a vital instrument for poverty alleviation and can ensure the rapid industrialization. This study attempts to explore the forces that encouraged women entrepreneurs to start their SMEs. The study was made on the entrepreneurs of Khulna, a metropolitan city of the country. The data was collected through a survey on five major dimension those are assumed to have influence on entrepreneurial decision namely socio-demographic, motivational, financial, regulatory and business environmental dimensions. Respondents’ opinions from the survey were analyzed through simple descriptive statistics such as percentage and mean to draw findings. From the study it was found that women entrepreneurs in Khulna were mostly encouraged to start SMEs for motivational or pull factors such as gaining self-independence, providing financial support to family, improving quality of life and passing leisure time etc. Among the others factors found to be influential were inspiration from friends and relatives, availability of markets, profits potential etc. The study also revealed that as like other developing countries, women entrepreneurs of Khulna suffer from lack of financial support, complexity of regulatory systems, gender based discrimination, lack of adequate training facility and environmental support. Government and private initiative is important in this regard to overcome the hurdles and encouraging more and more participation of women in SME sector.


Author(s):  
Takahara Y ◽  
Kawasaki Y ◽  
Kato R ◽  
Shinomiya S ◽  
Oikawa T ◽  
...  

Objective: We evaluated the success rates and factors influencing the success rates of the Collagen Gel Droplet-Embedded Culture Drug Sensitivity Test (CD-DST) for pleural effusate in lung cancer patients with carcinomatous pleurisy.Materials and methods: Thirty-two patients with lung cancer having carcinomatous pleurisy were enrolled in this study between January 2014 and May 2017. Their pleural effusions were analysed by CD-DST, and the subjects were classified into two groups: successful cases and unsuccessful cases, based on whether the test was able to successfully determine drug sensitivity. We investigated whether the properties of the pleural effusate might influence the success rate of CD-DST. We observed that the CD-DST tended to have good success rates in patients with higher pH, higher percentage of lymphocytes, higher cell counts, and lower percentage of neutrophils in their pleural effusate. The red blood cell count was higher in the effusate of unsuccessful than successful cases.Conclusion: Our results suggest that the diagnostic success rates of CD-DST for pleural effusion from patients with lung cancer might improve by appropriate sample selection.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Guno Tri Tjahjoko

This study aims to describe the efforts of female candidates to break the practice of money politics and the influence of shamans in the 2018 Sriharjo subdistrict election (pilkades). The author used qualitative methods with a case study of the Sriharjo village-head election in Bantul Regency. The author collected primary data through interviews, in-depth group discussions, and observations. Secondary data were collected through a literature review, online articles, photos, and video studies of the pilkades process. The findings of this study show the practice of money politics carried out by “snipers,” whose job is to distribute envelopes containing money from house to house from night to dawn one day prior to election day. In addition, candidates also provide assistance and facilities to the community to get their votes. The success team also uses the services of shamans by spreading flowers in certain areas with the aim of spiritually binding people so as not to vote for other candidates. Responding to the competitor’s strategy, the female candidate employed the politics of conscience to empower the community, monitored the snipers of other candidates, built networks, and broke the spiritual powers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Noetzel ◽  
Class of 2019

This project asks readers to consider what factors influence women to enter races for U.S. Congress and why some districts are more “women friendly” than others. While multiple studies have been done that examine factors such as gendered media bias, cultural and society gender norms, and institutional factors in explaining the dearth of female candidates, there is little research on how different demographic elements of congressional districts effect a woman’s decision to run in a primary election. Hence, I examine the various sociopolitical factors of congressional districts that are unique to a district, such as unemployment rate, high school and college graduation rate, median household income, and a variety of other political variables to determine if they have any effect on the presence of a female candidate within that respective district’s primary election. This potential relationship will be studied by collecting data on the number of women who ran in either the Democratic or Republican primary during the 2016 election (the first year with no increase in the number of women in Congress in the past decades). I will also study if any of the district variables have varying effects across party lines, for example, if median household income shows an increase in women in the Democratic primary versus women in the Republican primary. Women are much more likely to identify with the Democratic Party than men, and women, in general, are likely elected in different districts than men.


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